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Spuren des mittelalterlichen Klarissenklosters in Palencia – Räume, Bilder und Gegenstände als Primärquellen

María Carrión-Longarela, University of Zürich /University of Santiago de Compostela

Abstract: This article explores the possibilities for studying the Clarissan convent of Santa Clara in Palencia. It examines the origins of the foundation and the challenges of dating the construction of this space. The author proposes starting from material and visual sources to further understand this medieval sacred space. Analyzing the use and function of each surviving architectural element and object may provide additional insights into the pantheon of the Admirals of Castile in the 15th century.

Zusammenfassung: In diesem Beitrag werden die Möglichkeiten zur Untersuchung des Klarissenklosters Santa Clara in Palencia vorgestellt. Die Ursprünge der Stiftung und die Probleme der Datierung des Baus dieses Raumes werden untersucht und es wird vorgeschlagen, von den materiellen und visuellen Quellen auszugehen, um diesen mittelalterlichen Sakralraum weiter zu erfassen. Die Nutzung und Funktion jeder erhaltenen Architekturen und Objekte kann weitere Hinweise auf das Pantheon der Admiräle von Kastilien im 15. Jahrhundert liefern.

Das Interesse der Geschichtsschreibung an Frauenklöstern hat erst in den letzten Jahrzehnten im Zusammenhang mit dem Aufkommen der Gender Studies zugenommen. Gleichzeitig haben die methodologischen Vorschläge der pictorial, liturgical und material turns die Aufmerksamkeit für Bilder und Objekte als Primärquellen für die Geschichte aufgewertet.1 Die iberische Halbinsel bietet eine besondere Kasuistik die die Annäherung an mittelalterliche weibliche Klausurräume bedingt.2 Obwohl Kastilien Teil der spätmittelalterlichen europäischen Spiritualität des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts ist, gibt es viele Schwierigkeiten bei der Untersuchung ihrer Klöster. Die Zerstreuung des Kulturerbes und der Verlust, vorallem von historischen Dokumenten, ist einer der Hauptursachen hierfür.3

Ein Kloster mit königlicher Gründung: Unbekannte und ungenaue Datierung

Die Fallstudie von Santa Clara de Palencia bietet königliche Ursprünge die wert sind, da sie entscheidend für die Rolle der Kirche als Pantheon der Admiräle von Kastilien im 15. Nach dem Konflikt zwischen Pedro I. und Enrique II. von Trastámara bemühten sich der neue kastilische Monarch und seine Frau Juana Manuel um ein Image als fromme Herrscher mit einer Vorliebe für den Franziskanerorden. Tatsächlich war ein Klarissenkloster in der Region von Cerrato (Palencia) von den Truppen des Verbündeten des Königs, Bertrand du Guesclin, beschädigt worden. Um den Schaden zu kompensieren, beschloss die Monarchin Juana die Nonnengemeinschaft in die Hauptstadt Palencia zu verlegen, indem sie einige Häuser in der Straße, die zum Tor von Burgos führte, erwarb. Mit der Verlegung im Jahr 1373 und der Unterzeichnung des Vertrags mit dem Kapitel von Palencia im Jahr 1378 begann das Kloster Santa Clara de Palencia, zumindest als Institution. Der Bau der riesigen Kirche und der anderen Klosterräume mehr Zeit in Anspruch nehmen würde.4

Hier beginnt die Grauzone, denn die verfügbaren Dokumente geben keine Auskunft über die Errichtung des Mauerwerks des Klosters. Es ist auch nicht klar, wann Alfonso Enríquez, Admiral von Kastilien und Neffe durch natürliche Abstammung von Enrique II, das Kloster unter seine Schirmherrschaft gestellt bekam. Wahrscheinlich durch eine Schenkung der Monarchie, wie es bei den meisten Gebieten der Enriquez-Ländereien der Fall war. Aus diesem Grund sind die Anfänge des mittelalterlichen Klostergebäudes ebenfalls schwer zu klären.

Räume und Objekte als Quellen: Möglichkeiten der Untersuchung

Neben einer stilistischen und architektonischen Analyse der Kirche, die bereits von der früheren Historiographie behandelt wurde, gibt es noch viel über diesen Raum zu untersuchen. Neue Fragen und theoretische Rahmen ermöglichen es, dieses Kloster des Zweiten Franziskanerordens anhand der erhaltenen Materialien und Gegenstände zu verstehen. Diese fungieren als Primärquellen.

Dadurch wird es möglich, die architektonische Raumstruktur der Kirche im Zusammenhang mit ihrer Bestattungsfunktion zu verstehen, für die sie ursprünglich konzipiert wurde. Wie aus den Testamenten der Familie Enríquez hervorgeht, müssen sich die Gräber der ersten Familie Enríquez und ihrer Frauen vor der Hauptkapelle befunden haben. Von diesen angeblich schiffsförmigen Grabmälern ist nichts erhalten geblieben.5 Die Verpackung, d.h. die Architektur der Kirche und insbesondere das Gewölbe, in dem die Wappen der Admirale und ihrer Frauen zu sehen sind, erlauben es uns jedoch, den Begräbnisdiskurs und das posthume Erinnerung dieser neu gegründeten Familie zu untersuchen. Die Schirmherrschaft über dieses Klarissenklosters verdanken sie niemand anderem als seinen königlichen Verwandten. Eine Beziehung zur Monarchie, die auch die visuelle Rhetorik des Familienwappens offenbart.6

Gleichzeitig muss das Kloster als ein bewohntes Gebäude verstanden werden, mit größtenteils zerstörten und stark veränderten Räumen, die dem täglichen Leben der Nonnen noch heute dienen. Die Veränderungen, Umbauten und Zerstörungen sind, wie C. Bruzelius feststellte, typisch für das tägliche Leben der religiösen Gemeinschaften. Klostergebäude sind dynamische Architekturen, die im Laufe der Zeit entsprechend den Bedürfnissen der Bewohnerinnen vervollständigt, umgestaltet und somit auch auf Veränderungen in der Andacht und der liturgischen Nutzung reagierten.7 So bewahrt der Nonnenchor, obwohl er stark umgestaltet wurde, eine Galerie aus dem späten 15. und frühen 16. Jahrhundert. Sie kann im Rahmen ihrer möglichen Verwendungszwecke verstanden werden und steht mit anderen Gebäuden und Stücken in der Umgebung von Kastilien in Verbindung. Ebenfalls erwähnenswert ist die bekannte Kapelle des Santísimo Cristo aus dem 16. Jahrhundert, die an den westlichen Teil des Evangelienschiffs angebaut ist und die auf die Entstehung einer Verehrung um ein spätmittelalterliches Christus Skulptur hinweist.

Fazit

Architektur und Kunstwerke, die in ihrem Kontext und in Bezug auf ihre möglichen Verwendungen verstanden werden, können weiterhin Hinweise auf das Kloster Santa Clara in Palencia liefern. Sie sollten unter methodischen Gesichtspunkten wie der Materialität und im weiteren Sinne unter Berücksichtigung der Rhetorik des Bildes und seiner Ausdrucksmittel analysiert werden. Bewahrte Objekte und Räume, ob in situ oder in Museen, stellen eine Art Puzzle dar, in dem die Diskurse über den spätmittelalterlichen Tod, die observante Reform oder die Besonderheiten der weiblichen Spiritualität in Klöstern untrennbar miteinander verwoben sind.


Photo: Detail des Gewölbes des Querschiffs der Kirche Santa Clara in Palencia mit den Wappen der Admirale in der Mitte und denen ihrer Ehefrauen ringsherum, by María Carrión.

  1. Die Kunstgeschichte des Mittelalters verändert die Art und Weise, wie sie sich den visuellen Artefakten nähert, und auch die Disziplinen, von denen aus sie dies tut. Literatur-, Kultur- und Geschichtswissenschaft analysieren mit neuem Interesse und neuen Methoden die künstlerischen Werke und Objekte, die uns die mittelalterlichen Jahrhunderte vermacht haben. Aus diesem Grund wird die Arbeit des Kunsthistorikers diffuser und komplizierter für diejenigen, die sich mit dem ebenso diffusen Etikett der mittelalterlichen Kunst befassen, das heute für viele mittelalterliche Objekte durch das des Bildes, des Objekts oder des visuellen Artefakts ersetzt wird. Zum Begriff des Bildes im Mittelalter: H. Belting, Bild und Kult. Eine Geschichte des Bildes vor dem Zeitalter der Kunst (München, C. H. Beck, 2000), pp. 457-545. []
  2. Als einer der ersten Bezugspunkte für das Studium der Frauenklöster in Europa ist J. Hamburger and S. Marti (ed.), Crown and Veil. Female monasticism from the fifth to the fifteenth centuries (New York, Columbia University Press, 2008) neben anderen Werken von J. Hamburger zu erwähnen. Zur Architektur von Frauenklöstern und ihrer liturgischen Nutzung siehe den Beitrag: C. Jäggi, Frauenklöster im Spätmittelalter: die Kirchen der Klarissen und Dominikanerinnen im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert (Petersberg, Michael Imhof, 2006). []
  3. Die Spanische Enteignung von Kirchengütern im 19. Jahrhundert oder die zahlreichen Verkäufe von Kulturgütern, die in den ersten Jahrzehnten des 20. Jahrhunderts in die Vereinigten Staaten exportiert wurden, sind einige der Ursachen für den Verlust des Kulturerbes in Kastilien. M. J. Martínez Ruiz, J. M. Merino de Cáceres, La destrucción del patrimonio artístico español. W.R. Hearst: “el gran acaparador” (Madrid, Cátedra, 2012), p. 23. Ein Beispiel für den Verlust von Dokumenten ist das Archiv der Admiralität Enríquez, das ursprünglich in Medina de Rioseco untergebracht war und bei einem Brand zahlreiche Dokumenten verlor. P. Martínez Sopena, El señorío de Medina de Rioseco bajo el almirante Alfonso Enríquez: 1389-1430 (Valladolid, Universidad de Valladolid, 1977), p. 13. []
  4. M. de Castro y Castro, El Real Monasterio de Santa Clara de Palencia y los Enríquez, Almirantes de Castilla (Palencia, Institución Tello Téllez de Meneses, Diputación Provincial, 1982), p. 23. []
  5. In den Quellen aus dem 16. bis 18. Jahrhundert wird eine beeindruckende Grabstätte erwähnt. Die vollständigste Beschreibung, wenn auch sehr spärlich, stammt vom Archidiakon von Alcor, Alonso Fernández de Madrid im Jahr 1539. A. Fernández de Madrid and J. San Martín Payo, Silva palentina (Palencia, Diputación Provincial, 1976), p. 39. []
  6. Das Wappen der Familie Enríquez hat die gleichen Farben und Motive (Löwe und Türme) wie das der kastilisch-leonesischen Monarchie. Diese visuelle Angleichung zeigt eine königliche Verbindung zwischen den Enríquez und Trastámara Familien. F. Menéndez Pidal, Heráldica Medieval Española. La casa real de León y Castilla (Madrid, Instituto Salazar y Castro, C.S.I.C, 1982), p. 259. []
  7. C. A. Bruzelius, Preaching, Building and Burying. Friars in the Medieval City (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 2014) p. 16. []

Political Factionalism in the Court in the Late Middle Ages

Aintzane Sanchez Labaka, University of the Basque Country

Abstract: In her post, Aintzane Sanchez Labaka explores the political trajectory of the Hurtado de Mendoza family, focusing on Juan Hurtado de Mendoza “the Clean” and his son, Juan Hurtado de Mendoza “the Butler”. Their story exemplifies how noble families adapted to changing power structures at court, balancing royal authority, personal alliances, and internal rivalries. A significant event, the coup of Tordesillas in 1420, highlights these tensions, where nobles led by Infante Enrique targeted Juan Hurtado de Mendoza “the Butler” due to his alliance with Álvaro de Luna, the king’s favorite. The family’s origins trace back to Álava in the Basque Country, with Juan Hurtado “the Clean” gaining prominence by supporting Henry of Trastámara during a civil war, earning lordships and royal integration. He played a crucial role as a regent and advocate for broad-based governance during the reigns of John I and Henry III. Internal family rivalries mirrored broader conflicts, as seen with Diego Hurtado de Mendoza’s opposition. Juan Hurtado “the Butler” later allied with Álvaro de Luna, which, despite securing his influence, led to the coup attempt. The family’s political navigation reflects the factional dynamics and mechanisms of power in medieval Castile.

Among my lines of research, I have explored the role of noble families in late medieval Castile, particularly in relation to the factional dynamics that shaped the political life of the kingdom during the Trastámara dynasty. In this post, I will focus on the political trajectory of the Hurtado de Mendoza family, with special attention to Juan Hurtado de Mendoza “the Clean” and his son, Juan Hurtado de Mendoza “the Butler”, who were key figures during the late 14th and early 15th centuries.

Their story offers a fascinating example of how noble houses adapted to shifting
power structures at court, navigating between royal authority, personal alliances, and internal noble rivalries. A particularly striking episode—the coup of Tordesillas in 1420—serves as both a starting point and culmination of these tensions.

On the night of July 14, 1420, a group of nobles led by Infante Enrique stormed the palace at Tordesillas, attempting to break the influence of Álvaro de Luna, the king’s favorite, and his close allies. Among their targets was Juan Hurtado de Mendoza “the Butler”, who had risen to prominence at court thanks to his alliance with Álvaro de Luna, strengthened through marriage and political cooperation. This event—an act of political violence rooted in factional competition—symbolizes the deeper instability of Castilian politics in this era.

The origins of the Hurtado de Mendoza family lie in Álava, in the Basque Country, where their estate was located. Their political rise began with Juan Hurtado “the Elder”, who advanced under Alfonso XI. His son, Juan Hurtado “the Clean”, gained power by supporting Henry of Trastámara during the civil war against King
Peter I, his stepbrother. As a reward, he was granted lordships and integrated into royal politics.

During the reign of John I, Juan Hurtado “the Clean” became tutor to the heir, the future Henry III, and married into the royal family. After the king’s death in 1390,
he served as one of the regents during Henry III’s minority. He advocated for a corporate, broad-based regency, resisting efforts by Pedro Tenorio and others to consolidate power into fewer hands.

Even within the Mendoza family, factional rivalries emerged. A younger relative, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, allied with Pedro Tenorio in opposition to Juan Hurtado, demonstrating how internal family politics mirrored the broader conflicts of the realm.

Juan Hurtado remained close to Henry III until the king’s death in 1406. During the minority of John II, his political activity waned temporarily but regained momentum in 1419, when he supported efforts to declare the king’s majority to counter the influence of Archbishop Sancho de Rojas.

During this period, Álvaro de Luna began his rise. Recognizing his influence, Juan Hurtado “the Butler” allied with him through marriage and political loyalty. This pragmatic move earned him new tenancies and kept him close to the king. However, this alliance placed him in the crosshairs of rival factions, leading ultimately to the coup of 1420, where his enemies attempted to wrest control of the monarchy.

In conclusion, the trajectory of the Hurtado de Mendoza family illustrates how factionalism defined political life in Trastámara Castile. While Juan Hurtado “the Clean” favored inclusive governance structures, his son, the Butler, adapted to more personal dynamics by aligning with powerful court figures like Álvaro de Luna. Their ability to navigate these shifting landscapes not only secured their family’s power but also reflects the broader mechanisms of political negotiation and rivalry that shaped medieval Castile.


Photo: El rey Juan II de Castilla, in: Wikimedia Commons, URL: [https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/96/El_rey_Juan_II_de_Castilla_%28Museo_del_Prado%29.jpg] (15.09.2025), Don Alváro de Luna, in Wikimedia Commons, URL: [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Alvaro-luna.jpg] (15.09.2025).

Pardon and Power – Maritime Predation as a Tool of State Control in Late Medieval Castile

Pablo García Fuente, University of Cantabria

Abstract. This post outlines the main points of an upcoming article that examines the use of royal pardon as a tool in support of maritime policy in late medieval Castile, using as a starting point the pardon granted in 1477 by the Catholic Monarchs to the Basque corsair Juan Ochoa de Elguera. The episode is used to think about the royal pardon less as a mere gesture of clemency and more as a calculated tool of politics in fifteenth-century Castile. The focus is on the maritime world, where violence—when given official blessing—could be turned to very practical ends. The discussion touches on legal, social, and political aspects, placing this act within the messy web of relationships between the Crown and the coastal elites of the late-medieval Cantabrian region.

In late-medieval Castile, a royal pardon was almost never just a kindhearted favour. It was a move in a larger game—part reward, part bargain, and often a way to turn troublemakers into allies. Corsairs fit perfectly into this logic. They sailed that thin line where plunder and service overlapped, and in the right political moment, their actions could suddenly shift from crime to valuable service. One month a pirate, the next a loyal subject—such was the fluidity of the time.

The 1477 pardon to Juan Ochoa de Elguera is a vivid example. Ochoa had taken enemy ships and cargo, acts which, depending on who was asked, were either criminal or heroic. The Catholic Monarchs not only forgave him but returned his property and restored his standing. We know this from the document preserved in the Archivo General de Simancas. It tells us that the monarchy was willing to turn maritime violence into an asset rather than waste energy trying to stamp it out.There’s more to it, though. The case sits in a broader pattern along the Cantabrian coast where the law was far from fixed. A raid condemned today could be celebrated tomorrow if it served the right purpose. The Crown had the flexibility—and the authority—to rewrite the meaning of such acts on the fly.

Seen in the context of the Catholic Monarchs’ centralisation efforts, the pardon makes even more sense. Basque ports, crews, and ships were resources too valuable to lose. Outright suppression of corsairs would have been costly and, in many ways, wasteful. Instead, the monarchy sought to shape and direct their activity, folding them into its naval strategy when possible. Ochoa’s pardon is one such example of this repositioning.

These kinds of decisions weren’t just cold calculations made behind closed doors. The ability to control justice—or at least the appearance of it—was part of a larger, carefully cultivated performance. By choosing when to be severe and when to show mercy, the crown wasn’t just resolving conflicts. It was reminding everyone, from noble allies to rival powers, who held the reins. Justice, in this world, wasn’t some abstract principle floating above politics. It could be shaped, adjusted, and even weaponized when necessary. The law was there, yes—but it moved when the crown moved.

Pardoning someone like a corsair, someone whose loyalty might be useful down the line, was never a simple act of generosity. It was a layered decision. It rewarded those who showed allegiance, offered hope to those considering it, and sent a warning to those who might challenge the crown’s authority.

In the end, the pardon of Ochoa de Elguera offers a small but telling window into how the monarchy managed power at sea. Violence was not simply a threat to be eliminated—it was a tool to be handled, redirected, and sometimes even rewarded. This selective approach to justice allowed the Crown to adjust to shifting politics and changing dangers, all while keeping the ultimate authority in its own hands.


Photo: Froissart, Jean, Battle of Sluys (1340), in: MS fr. 2643, fol. 72r, in: Wikimedia Commons, URL: [https://da.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slaget_ved_Sluys#/media/Fil:BattleofSluys.jpeg] (15.09.2025).

Preaching against the powerful ? The sermones curiales of Juan Gil de Zamora, OFM (c. 1251 – c. 1306)

Iason Thiele, University of Heidelberg / École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (Paris)

Zusammenfassung: Dieser Artikel stellt eine Forschungsarbeit zu den Kurialpredigten des leonesischen Franziskaners Juan Gil de Zamora vor, womit es sich in das neu entdeckte Interesse der Forschung für homiletische Quellen einreiht. Die Untersuchung stellt die Annahme infrage, dass diese Modellpredigten ein Medium zur Kommunikation von Kritik gegenüber realen Umständen gewesen seien, und geht der Frage nach, in welchem Umfang Topoi aus anderen Herrscherdidaxen und Fürstenspiegeln den Inhalt bestimmen. Somit schlägt das Projekt einen methodischen Ansatz zur Arbeit mit einer Quellengattung zwischen normativem Charakter und scholastischer Prägung vor.

Abstract : As part of a renewed interest in the use of homiletic sources, this article presents a project on the curial sermons of Leonese Franciscan Juan Gil de Zamora. It questions the assumption that these model sermons were a vehicle for expressing criticism concerning real conditions, and examines the extent of use of topoi also occurring in other ruler’s didacticisms and mirrors for princes. Eventually, the project offers a methodological approach to a source genre which alternated between its normative function and a status as scholastic exercise.

My work deals with Franciscan preaching in Castile and León in the second half of the 13th century.1 I focus on moralizing and ethical precepts in a collection of model sermons by Juan Gil de Zamora (c. 1251–c. 1306), the Liber sermonum, probably written between 1279 and 1289. As a maître ès arts who had studied in Paris, Juan Gil was part of the intellectual elite of the Friars Minor in Spain. He also played an important role both within the provincial structure of Santiago, as Custodial and later Provincial Minister, and at the courts of the Castilian kings Alfonso X and Sancho IV. His work includes treatises on history and natural philosophy, as well as on grammar, hagiography and music. Among his most notable writings are De preconiis Hispaniae, a historical mirror for princes for the Infante Sancho IV, his Dictaminis epithalamium, a handbook for writing letters and official documents, and a medical treatise titled Liber contra uenena et animalia uenenosa. Elements of a didactic treatise for rulers can also be found in his Liber naturalis, the Dictaminis epithalamium, and a Breuiloqium de uitiis et uirtutibus. In quite a few cases, we encounter the reuse of ideas in slightly modified morphology. For instance, the Liber sermonum contains passages similar to those in De preconiis Hispaniae. Clarifying the chronological relationship between the two works is one of my project’s purposes.2

Within Juan Gil’s model sermons, I have chosen the category of sermones curiales to highlight the moralizations addressed to secular power. Only two of these sermons have survived, both of which deal with jurisdiction.3 My work explores the question of whether these sermons represent a statement directed at the high nobility of Castile and León and refer to perceived abuses at various levels of jurisdiction, or whether we are instead dealing with the fulfillment of topos regulations of a homiletic ruler’s didacticism. This is intended to test Adrienne Hamy-Dupont’s hypothesis, which understands these sermons as a disapproval of real circumstances.4

In the first curial sermon,5 which was edited by A. Hamy-Dupont, Juan Gil presents an ideal picture of a judge. This is largely done using antitheses. Thus, princes are denounced as blasphemers, sinners and apostates. The second curial sermon,6 which I am editing, evokes a present full of abuses. Judges are described as ‘effeminati’; luxury and corruption are presented as widespread phenomena in the judiciary. Not only the jurisdiction of the high nobility, but also that of the cities is criticized, although it seems that it focuses more on the princes’ selection of suitable judges than on the princes’ behaviour itself. Some elements of both sermons can also be found in Juan Gil’s De preconiis Hispaniae and Dictaminis epithalamium. Not least, the strict application of scholastic methods in the argumentation raises the question of the extent to which this is merely a matter of satisfying the requirements of a genre.

To examine this, I use a two-part method. First, I compare the circumstances described by Juan Gil with the actual events at various levels of jurisdiction during the reigns of Alfonso X and Sancho IV. This could also further refine the dating. Second, I compare other curial sermons and ruler’s didacticisms to identify recurring topoi that are an integral part of the genre. Examples include the sermons of Guibert de Tournais and parts of the Siete Partidas and Castigos del rey don Sancho IV. It must also be taken into account that the two assumptions are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Thus, this study of Juan Gil de Zamora’s curial sermons highlights the challenge of working with a type of source whose original normative function increasingly gave way to the value of a scholastic exercise.


Photo: British Library, Stowe, MS 17, f. 181r.

  1. This article presents my master’s thesis’ project, which I am writing at the University of Heidelberg and EHESS Paris under the supervision of Professors Nikolas Jaspert and Sylvain Piron. []
  2. Important biographical assumptions can be found in : Manuel de CASTRO Y CASTRO (ed.), De preconiis Hispanie, Madrid : Universidad de Madrid, 1955 ; Olga Soledad BOHDZIEWIECZ (ed.), Iohannes Aegidii Zamorensis. Una contribución al estudio de la prosa latina en Castilla del siglo XIII. La edición crítica y estudio del Liber Mariae de Juan Gil de Zamora, Buenos Aires : Universidad de Buenos Aires, 2014 ; Adrienne HAMY-DUPONT, Système encyclopédique et prédication mariale chez Juan Gil de Zamora (OFM, + c. 1306). Les sermones virginales : édition, traduction et commentaire, PhD diss., Université Paris Cité and Paris VII Diderot, 2017. A complete bibliography and overview of Juan Gil’s works shall not be provided here due to space constraints. Please refer to the monographs by O. Bohdziewiecz and A. Hamy-Dupont. []
  3. These two curial sermons are contained in MS Assisi, Biblioteca del Sacro Convento di San Francesco, Fondo antico della Biblioteca Comunale, 414, ff. 166r-172r, and MS Cieszyn, Ksiąẓnica Cieszyńska, DD-V-7, ff. 116v-121v. []
  4. Adrienne HAMY-DUPONT, « ‘A Glance at the Music of Time’ : un sermon Pro curiis magnatorum inédit de Juan Gil de Zamora (OFM, c. 1290) », in : F. J. Hernández et al. (eds.), Medieval Studies in Honor of Peter Linehan, Florence : Sismel / Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2018, p. 225–241. []
  5. MS Assisi, 414, f. 166r-170r ; MS Cieszyn, DD-V-7, f. 116v-119v. MS Assisi, 414, f. 166r names it : « Pro curiis magnatorum, primo de iustitia ». []
  6. MS Assisi, 414, f. 170r-172v ; MS Cieszyn, DD-V-7, f. 119v-121v. MS Assisi, 414, f. 170r titles it : « Ad principis et rectores orbis terre ». []

Euskal Herriko Bando Gerrak (XIV-XV. mendeak)

Ekaitz Etxeberria Gallastegi, University of the Basque Country

Abstract: This post by Ekaitz Etxeberria Gallastegi discusses the Basque factional wars. Driven by a socio-economic crisis families of the nobility used violence to sustain their income, a practice legally permitted at the time. These conflicts were particularly intense in the Basque region due to its unique social and territorial configuration, with over 200 noble families vying for control over resources, political dominance, and social prestige within a defined coastal area. Conflicts ranged from local disputes to large-scale alliances, eventually forming two major factions across different regions, with fluid alliances leading to widespread violence, especially between 1440 and 1448.

Bando gerrak Behe Erdi Aroko Euskal Herriko fenomeno bereizgarrietakoenen artean egon ziren, eta beharbada garai hartako fenomenorik adierazgarriena izan ziren. Baina zer izan ziren? Behe Erdi Aroko gizarteari eragin zion krisi orokorraren ondorioz, euskal behe nobleziako leinuek (aitonensemeak edo kapareak) diru-iturri gutxituei eusteko modu berriak bilatu zituzten. Testuinguru horretan, indarkeria zilegizko irtenbide bihurtu zen. Izan ere, garaiko legediak (tartean, 1452ko Bizkaiko Foru Zaharra) elkarri desafiatzeko eskubidea aitortzen zien nobleei, benetako gerra pribatuak deklaratzeko aukera emanez.

Honaino, egoera ez zen Europako beste eskualde batzuetan bizi zenaren oso bestelakoa. Hala ere, Euskal Herrian gerra pribatuek izaera kronikoa hartu zuten, eta benetako gaitz endemikoa bihurtu ziren, bereziki XV. mendean. Intentsitate berezi hori ulertzeko gakoa eremuaren gizarte- eta lurralde-konfigurazioan datza. Eremu honi Kantauri itsasoak iparraldean eta Gasteiz eta Iruña hiriek hegoaldean, Karrantza haranak mendebaldean eta Donibane Garazik ekialdean mugatzen duten kostaldeko korridorea da, erantsitako mapan ikus daitekeenez.

5.000 kilometro karratu inguru hartzen dituen lurralde honetan 200 leinu noble baino gehiago biltzen ziren, interes desberdinengatik borrokatzen zirenak: mendi eta burdinolen kontrola, hiribilduetako kontrol politikoa edo, batzuetan, lehia pertsonalengatik. Eztabaida horiek prestigio sozialerako nahiari ere erantzuten zioten. Garai hartako kronikari bizkaitar batek adierazi zuen bezala (berak ere gatazka horietako batzuetan parte hartu zuen), “gehiago balio” nahi zen (“valer más”): hau da, aberastasunean, boterean edo eraginean aurkariaren aurrean nagusitasuna erakustea, esparrua edozein zela ere.

Leinuen arteko liskarrak maila desberdinetan gertatzen ziren. Horiek aldi berean gertatzen ziren eta askotan gainjarri ere egiten ziren, eta horrek indarkeria mailaren gorakada ekarri zuen. Oinarrizko mailan, gatazkak tokian-tokiko aferak ziren, leinu bik edo gehiagok bailara edo herri jakin baten barruan konfrontazio estrukturalak zituztenean. Hala ere, aliatuak bilatu nahi izateak gatazka zabal zezakeen, leinu gehiago erakarriz eta gatazka eskualdearen nagusitasuna eskuratzeko borroka batean bihurtuz. Kasu batzuetan, aliantza horiek are gehiago hazten ziren, probintzia-dimentsioa lortuz. Horrela, leinuak aurrez aurre zeuden bi bando handitan elkartuta amaitu zuten, eta horrek lurraldearen polarizazio orokorra eragiten zuen.

Aurrez aurre zeuden bandoak, Gipuzkoan, oinaztarrak eta ganboatarrak ziren; Bizkaian, Abendaño eta Butroi-Mugika ditugu; Lapurdin, Urtubia eta Amezketa; eta Nafarroan, Agramont eta Beaumont. Bando horiek egitura egonkorrak ziren arren, ez zuten afiliazio finko edo iraunkorrik. Leinuen arteko aliantzak aldakorrak ziren eta interes zirkunstantzialei erantzuten zieten; beraz, gaur ganboatarrekin lerrokatzen zen leinu batek bihar oinaztarrekin egin zezakeen. Dinamika hori 1440tik 1448ra bitarteko aldi bereziki bortitz batean amaitu zen, euskal probintzia desberdinetako leinuak hauen eremuetatik kanpo ematen ari ziren gatazketan esku hartzen hasi zirenean. Horrek bando gerren eskala areagotu egin zuen, eta nabarmen igo zen  bai gerra-ekintzen bai biktimen kopurua.

Azken hamarkadan, ValerMás ikerketa-proiektuan eta Gizarteak, Prozesuak eta Kulturak (VIII-XVIII. mendeak) ikerketa-taldean (biak Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatean, EHUn, errotuak), eskura dauden iturri narratibo nagusien azterketa kuantitatiboa jorratu dugu: Anales Breves de Vizcaya eta Lope García de Salazarren Libro de las Buenas Andanças e Fortunas. Azterketa horri esker, zehatzago neurtu ahal izan da Euskal Herriko gerra pribatuen fenomenoa eta haren ondorioak. 1390 eta 1473 urteen artean, 443 gerra ekintza identifikatu dira guztira, hilketak, segadak, dorretxeen aurkako erasoak, setioak eta batailak barne. Erregistro horietatik abiatuta, bando gerren ondorioz 1.933 eta 2.091 pertsona inguru hil zirela kalkulatu dugu.


Photo: “Trachtenbuch” des Christoph Weiditz, Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nürnberg, Hs. 22474. Bl. 133-134 Baskischer Bauer mit seiner Wehr / Baskischer Kriegsmann.

Al-Manṣūr, Sampiro of Astorga and the origins of Iberian Interpretative Patterns for Christian-Islamic Conflicts in the 11th century

Mats Pfeifer, Universität Bamberg

Abstract: This contribution will attempt to construct a plausible argument for the origins of the 11th-century interpretations of Christian-Muslim conflicts on the Iberian Peninsula and will trace their transmission and further development. In this context, it is of particular importance to emphasise a source or more accurately a period whose significance in this process has hitherto been overlooked,1 but which, as will be shown, represents a crucial missing link in this development.

The Iberian interpretation towards the end of the 11th century and solutions proposed by research

From the mid-11th century onwards, the outstanding evidence for the Iberian interpretation of the conflict can be found in elaborate, highly religious, schematic depictions of events in the acts of consecration or donation for cathedrals in cities that had been recently conquered or rebuilt.2

A common thread running through all these testimonies is the interpretation of the conflict in terms of a providentialist scheme. This structure of history can be roughly divided into four phases: (1) the prominent position of a city in Christendom,

(2) the loss of this position, caused by the sins of the people,

(3) the reconquest of the territory, made possible by the renewed granting of God’s grace and

(4) the restoration of the church and thereby the expansion of Christianity.

In recurrent research it is frequently proposed that a European influence from outside the peninsula may have been a factor in the development of this interpretation, for example through the increasing installation of French-born clerics and monks in Iberian monasteries or bishoprics – particularly in connection with Cluny – or the direct influence of the reformed papacy.3

However, as evidenced by the emergence of the Iberian interpretation as early as the 1040s, these hypotheses are not suitable for explaining this phenomenon as all previous explanatory approaches in research only apply from around the 1060s. It thus follows that the supposed influence of these factors can still be largely ruled out for the testimonies analysed here. Instead, specific Iberian factors can and should be invoked.

Alternatives: Asturian origins and their transmission in the 10th and 11th centuries

These may be described as the Iberian interpretative patterns‘ Asturian origins. In particular, this refers to the so-called Asturian Chronicles, which were composed around 880 in close connection with the royal court.4 The historiographical programme of these chronicles is centered on the depiction of the Asturian kingdom and its rulers as the legitimate successors of the Visigothic kingdom based on a world view that scholars refer to as neo-Gothicism. The chronicles offer a common explanation of the complete defeat of the Visigoths by the Muslims, which is based on a providentialist motif. According to this scheme, which echoes the narratives of the 11th century, the once God-supported greatness of Gothic rule on the Iberian Peninsula was destroyed by the attack of the Muslims as divine punishment for the sinfulness of the Goths. Concurrently the narrative posits that this humiliation would be followed by an ascent based on God’s never fully withdrawn mercy which would ultimately lead to the restoration of the former status.5

The interpretation of the conflict with the Muslims, as presented in the Asturian Chronicles, thus anticipates central aspects of the scheme that recur in the documents of the 11th century. Consequently, it lends itself as a basis for these ideas. However, there is still a gap of at least 125 years between these two points that requires further investigation.

During the 10th century, the transmission of the Asturian Chronicles was initially accomplished primarily through the production of copies and the editing and updating of the chronicles, which can be most clearly observed in the Kingdom of Pamplona-Navarra.6

But two problems still remain unsolved. Firstly, a direct chronological link remains missing. Additionally, the further developments of the Asturian interpretation in the sources of the 11th century remain unaccounted for. First and foremost, the neo-Gothicist interpretation was superseded in the 11th century by an interpretation based more on the religious contrast: The focus shifted from the restoration of the Visigothic kingdom, to the the restoration of Christian rule and order. Therefore, I will now address the final piece of the puzzle, the missing link: The so-called Chronicle of Sampiro, its author and the period represented by both of them.

The Missing Link: Al-Manṣūr and Sampiro

The person we may in all probability refer to as the author of the chronicle was probably a witness and author of Leonese royal charters from 990 onwards. Towards the end of his life, Sampiro then served as Bishop of Astorga from 1034-41. His rise to this position is in turn closely linked to the Navarrese takeover of León in the 1030s.7

The chronicle he wrote is the only one that records the period between around 880 and 1000 from a Christian perspective. As such, it is of outstanding importance for the questions of interest here. The precise date of composition is uncertain, but it is clear that the work was completed no earlier than the year 1000.8

It is evident that Sampiro’s work was significantly influenced by al-Manṣūr’s campaigns in the Christian north.  They not only brought about the first significant Muslim expansion since the conquest of 711, but also, to a certain extent, a de facto subordination of the Christian kingdoms. The decades around the turn of the millennium were thus characterised by the clear military superiority of the caliphate and the inability of the Christian realms to mount any sort of counter-reaction.9

So how do Sampiro’s chronicle and al-Manṣūr’s campaigns fit together and to what extent do they constitute the missing link we are looking for? To explain this, I will draw upon Paul Chevedden’s concept of a “Holy War Reaction” which he has illustrated by employing, among others, the example of the Muslim base in Fraxinetum, located in the south-east of present-day France.10 The capture of Maiolus, the abbot of Cluny, by the Muslims living there in 973 was the catalyst for a coalition of local Christian forces that finally destroyed the Muslim base.11 Chevedden has now described this process as a “Holy War Reaction” which he defined as a reaction following a triggering impulse from the opposing side, which is characterised by a religious charging of the conflict. He also observed a comparable process in the military response of Iberian Christians to the dissolution of the Cordovan Caliphate following the death of al-Manṣūr and his son.12

Similarly, the heightened religious fervour evident in the interpretation of the conflict may also be attributed to an impulse of the Muslims, namely the campaigns of al-Manṣūr. In this context, it can be argued that Sampiro’s chronicle represents a kind of written “Holy War Reaction” to these expeditions.

This is most evident in the portrayal of the peak of the raids in the context of the reign of Vermudo II, which Sampiro himself witnessed. His statements demonstrate his adherence to older patterns of interpretation on the one hand and his intensified religious interpretation of the conflict in the wake of al-Manṣūr’s attacks on the other.13

Describing the events, Sampiro reports that a large number of Saracens had invaded their territories due to the sins of the Christian people and destroyed everything there, for example monasteries and churches. The Muslims even sought to destroy the tomb of St. James the Apostle, but were ultimately deterred from doing so. Despite all these hardships, however, Sampiro’s report also expresses the conviction that God was already fighting on their side again, as he declares that God himself remembered his mercy and took revenge on his enemies – a formulation and an image that are strongly reminiscent of the forms used in later documents. In addition to the Muslims being killed by the sword or other sudden deaths, Vermudo also succeeded, with the assistance of God, in restoring the sanctuary of St. James to a better state than before.14 This interpretation is particularly noteworthy in light of the fact that Vermudo’s reign was the most severely affected by the Muslim attacks.

In summary the portrayal of Christian-Iberian history based on a providentialist scheme is once again evident in Sampiro‘s text: The Christians are afflicted by al-Manṣūr‘s raids because of their sins. Ultimately, however, the re-granting of God’s mercy results in the defeat of the Muslims and the restoration of the church under the guidance of a king whom God has chosen. In response to al-Manṣūr, Sampiro thus offers a new emphasis on the religious character of the struggle against the Muslims.15 He depicts it as a fight against the enemies of God and for the preservation and expansion of his church, in which he himself intervenes at least indirectly. Furthermore, the density of this interpretation and the more Christian than neo-Gothicist tone are noteworthy, particularly in comparison to the Asturian Chronicles, and already hint towards the later documents.16

If Sampiro and his work are also placed in their chronological context, it becomes evident that the chronicle also forms a “missing link” in this sense. Sampiro’s life span (born before 990 when he was first mentioned at the court of León; died probably shortly after his last mention in 1042)17 not only bridges the gap that still exists between the production of the oldest surviving copies of the Asturian Chronicles and the later charters, but also encompasses and connects both phases directly.

The same can be said of the political upheavals of the time.18 Sampiro’s life not only connects the Asturian-Leonese period with the Navarrese, but also spans the phase from the raids of al-Manṣūr to the collapse of the caliphate and the beginning of Christian expansion with the accompanying formulation of the interpretation already laid out by Sampiro.

Conclusion

Therefore, what can the inclusion of Sampiro’s chronicle achieve that the Asturian Chronicles and their copies could not? It provides evidence of an ‘active’ and continued transmission, further development and dissemination of the Asturian interpretation. Furthermore, it represents an ideological and temporal link between two dynasties and interpretations and lastly offers a decisive intermediate step in and an explanation for the religious charge in the 11th century. Sampiro and his chronicle thus occupy a pivotal position in the evolution of the Iberian and, by extension the development of the interpretation of Christian-Islamic conflicts as a whole.

In conclusion, the following picture emerges: A scheme for interpreting the conflicts with the Muslims had already been formulated in Asturias in the 9th century. This scheme had the restoration of the Visigothic kingdom as its central goal. Around the turn of the millennium, there was a profound sense of helplessness in the face of al-Manṣūr’s attacks. This led to the conflict becoming increasingly fuelled by religion. Initially that was felt only gradually, which was probably due not least to the need to consolidate the Christian realms themselves.  This phase was followed almost immediately by the collapse of the caliphate and thus the fragmentation of the Islamic sphere of power. The following practice of Christian territorial expansion led to the formulation of the religiously charged perception of the battle, in which the Asturian interpretation was still firmly anchored, but which was intensified both qualitatively and quantitatively as a result. The Chronicle of Sampiro plays an important role as an intermediate step in this process, maintaining the older interpretation while also linking it to subsequent developments. In addition to this significant role of Sampiro’s chronicle, al-Manṣūr’s plundering represents a plausible reason for the new quality of the battle as perceived by contemporaries.


Photo: Beginning of the Chronicle of Sampiro in the oldest manuscript of the Historia Silense (15th century), in: Biblioteca National de España, MSS/1181, fol. 27r, URL: [http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000267142#] (06.01.2025).

  1. The only real exception is F. Fernández-Armesto, ‘The Survival of a Notion of Reconquista in Late Tenth- and Eleventh-Century León’, in T. Reuter (ed.), Warriors and Churchmen in the High Middle Ages: Essays presented to Karl leyser (London, Rio Grande, 1992), pp. 123–43. []
  2. See the most recent overview in N. Jaspert, ‘Eroberung – Rückeroberung – Glaubenskampf – Gotteskrieg: Die Levante und die Iberische Halbinsel im Vergleich’, in H. Kamp (ed.), Herrschaft über fremde Völker und Reiche: Formen, Ziele und Probleme der Eroberungspolitik im Mittelalter, Vorträge und Forschungen 93 (Ostfildern, 2022), pp. 249–89, at pp. 257–9. []
  3. See lastly Jaspert, ‘Eroberung – Rückeroberung – Glaubenskampf – Gotteskrieg’, p. 260. []
  4. The most recent edition of the texts can be found in: Chronica hispana saeculi VIII et IX, ed. Juan Gil (Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis LXV), Turnhout 2018. []
  5. On depiction of Christian-Islamic conflicts in the Asturian Chronicles, see in particular A.P. Bronisch, Reconquista und Heiliger Krieg: Die Deutung des Krieges im christlichen Spanien von den Westgoten bis ins frühe 12. Jahrhundert, Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft. Zweite Reihe 35 (Münster, 1998), pp. 124–56. []
  6. On the reception of the Asturian Chronicles and their significance for legitimisation in Navarre, see: A. P. Bronisch, ‘Heiliger Krieg zwischen Weltanschauung und Propaganda am Beispiel der christlichen iberischen Reiche (6.-11. Jh.)’, in K. Herbers, A. Nehring and K. Steiner (eds), Sakralität und Macht, Beiträge zur Hagiographie 22 (Stuttgart, 2019), pp. 99–126, at pp. 122–4; H. Sirantoine, Imperator Hispaniae: Les idéologies impériales dans le royaume de León (IXe-XIIe siècles), Bibliothèque de la Casa de Velázquez 58 (Madrid, 2012), pp. 124–9. []
  7. For further information on Sampiro and his life see still: J. Pérez de Urbel, Sampiro, su cronica y la monarquia leonesa en el siglo X (Madrid, 1952), and in addition: M. Durany Castrillo and M. Del Carmen Rodríguez González, ‘El obispado de Astorga en el primer tercio del siglo XI: De Jimeno a Sampiro’, Semata. Ciencias Socials e Himanidades 15 (2003), pp. 187–222, at pp. 219–21. []
  8. On Sampiro’s chronicle, in the absence of an updated complete account, see still Pérez de Urbel, Sampiro. In addition, reference can also be made to various works by Bronisch or Isla Frez. See for example: Bronisch, Reconquista, pp. 159–63; A. P. Bronisch, ‘La sacralización de la guerra en las fuentes de los siglos X y XI y el concepto de guerra santa’, in C. de Ayala Martínez, P. Henriet and J. S. Palacios Ontalva (eds), Orígenes y desarrollo de la guerra santa en la Península Ibérica: Palabras e imágenes para una legitimación (siglos X-XIV), Collection de la casa de Velázquez 154 (Madrid, 2016), pp. 7–29, at pp. 16–20; A. Isla Frez, ‘Building Kingship on Words: Magni reges and sanctus rex in the Asturleonese Kingdom’, Journal of Medieval History 28 (2002), pp. 249–61; A. Isla Frez, ‘La Historia y el discurso sobre la guerra’, E-Spania 14 (2012). The text is quoted here in the version of the so-called Historia Silense from the 12th century, which is preferable to the version of Pelagius of Oviedo in terms of its proximity to Sampiro’s ‘original’ text. The most recent and authoritative edition of that chronicle can be found in: Historia silensis, ed. Juan A. Estévez Sola, in: Chronica hispana saeculi XII, Pars III (Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaeualis LXXI B), Turnhout 2018. []
  9. For this period see the overview in: P. Sénac, Al-Mansûr: Le Fléau de l’an mil (Paris, 2006), pp. 103–33. []
  10. P. E. Chevedden, ‘Pope Urban II. and the Ideology of the Crusades’, in A. J. Boas (ed.), The Crusader World (Abingdon, 2016), pp. 7–53, at pp. 11–2. []
  11. On the capture of the abbot and the events that followed, see: S. G. Bruce, ‘An Abbot Between two Cultures: Maiolus of Cluny Considers the Muslims of La Garde-Freinet’, Early Medieval Europe 15 (2007), pp. 426–40. []
  12. Chevedden, ‘Urban II.’, pp. 11–2. []
  13. On the interpretation of Sampiro’s account of Vermudo’s reign, see in particular: Bronisch, ‘Heiliger Krieg’, p. 120; Isla Frez, ‘Kingship’, pp. 259–61; Fernández-Armesto, ‘Survival’, p. 137, and with regard to the biblical elements contained therein as well as their interpretation, most recently: P.S. Marschner, Das neue Volk Gottes in Hispanien: Die Bibel in der christlich-iberischen Historiographie vom 8. bis zum 12. Jahrhundert, Geschichte und Kultur der Iberischen Welt 19 (Wien, 2023), pp. 297–301. []
  14. Sampiro, Chronicle, in: Historia Silensis, ed. Estévez Sola, pp. 194–5: Mortuo Raymiro, Veremundus […] accepit regnum pacifice. Vir satis prudens leges a Banbano principe conditas firmauit, canones aperire iussit, dilexit misericordiam et iudicium; reprobare malum studuit et eligere bonum. In diebus uero regni eius propter peccata populi christiani creuit ingens multitudo sarracenorum et rex eorum, qui nomen falsum sibi inposuit Almazor, qualis non antea fuit nec futurus erit, […] et cum omni gente ysmelitarum intrauit fines christianorum et cepit deuastare multa regnorum eorum atque gladio trucidare. […] Deuastauit quidem ciuitates, castella omnemque terram depopulauit usquequo peruenit ad partes maritimas occidentalis Ispanie et Galecie ciuitatem, in qua corpus beati Iacobi Apostoli tumulatum est, destruxit. Ad sepulcrum uero apostoli, ut illud frangeret, ire disposuerat, sed territus rediit. Eclesias, monasteria, palacia fregit atque igne cremauit era M tricessima quinta. Rex celestis memorans misericordie sue ulcionem fecit de inimicis suis. Morte quidem subitanea et gladio ipsa gens agarenorum cepit interire et ad nichilum cotidie peruenire. Rex uero Veremundus a Domino adiutus cepit restaurare ipsum locum Sancti Iacobi in melius. []
  15. This also clearly contravenes the prevailing opinion of some scholars that al-Manṣūr‘s military expeditions did not directly result in an intensified reinterpretation of the conflict in the Christian kingdoms of the north. See for that position especially: P. Sénac, ‘Al-Mansûr et la reconquête’, in T. Deswarte and P. Sénac (eds), Guerre, pouvoirs et idéologies dans l’Espagne chrétienne aux alentours de l’an mil: Actes du colloque international organisé par le Centre d’Études Supérieures de Civilisation Médiévale, Poitiers-Angoulême (16, 27 et 28 septembre 2002), Culture et société médiévales 4 (Turnhout, 2005), pp. 37–50, on Sampiro p. 46. []
  16. See already briefly: A. P. Bronisch, ‘Die westgotische Reichsideologie und ihre Weiterentwicklung im Reich von Asturien’, in F.-R. Erkens (ed.), Das frühmittelalterliche Königtum: Ideelle und religiöse Grundlagen, Ergänzungsbände zum Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde 49 (Berlin, 2005), pp. 161–89, at pp. 186–7. []
  17. The concrete dates around Sampiros early life are almost impossible to pin down. See largely speculative for example: Pérez de Urbel, Sampiro, pp. 19–22. For the dates given here and the associated documents see: Pérez de Urbel, Sampiro, pp. 12–3; 100–104; Durany Castrillo and Del Carmen Rodríguez González, ‘Obispado de Astorga’, p. 221. []
  18. For the historical context which initially saw a rise in Navarrese influence from around 1028 and ultimately resulted in the shift from the previous dynasty to Fernando I, son of Sancho III of Navarre, see for example: B.F. Reilly, The Contest of Christian and Muslim Spain: 1031-1157, A History of Spain (Cambridge, Oxford, 1992), pp. 25–7; Á.J. Martín Duque, Sancho III el Mayor de Pamplona: El rey y su reino (1004-1035) (Pamplona, 2007), pp. 294–7; Sirantoine, Imperator Hispaniae, pp. 136–42. []

Late Medieval Castilian Historiography and Memory

Carmen Benítez Guerrero, Universität Sevilla

Abstract: In this post ´Carmen Benítez Guerrero explores how historical events in late medieval Castile were recorded and remembered, focusing on short historiographical texts, especially annals. She emphasizes the evolution of medieval historiography in the Iberian Peninsula, shifting from viewing texts as mere factual repositories to understanding them as cultural objects with specific functions, for example the shaping of memory be different political actors.

In 1319, the princes Don Juan and Don Pedro of Castile, then regents of King Alfonso XI, died in the meadows of Granada. This event profoundly impacted their contemporaries’ memory and was recorded in various places for posterity. Not only in the chronicles of the reign and other brief historical accounts, but also in epigraphy, notably on the outer wall of San Andrés de Arroyo church in the province of Palencia. It even became a significant marker to close a historical work composed during the youth of Alfonso XI, the so-called Anales del infante.

This introduction, based on the memory of a specific political event and its written reflection, serves to draw attention to an ongoing line of research, which in turn connects to a broader study. The line of research focuses on the tracing, editing, and analysis of late medieval short historiography. The broader study examines the ways in which the past was recorded and utilized by various members of Castilian society during the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, with particular attention to their relationship with power, and also observing their subsequent history trajectory. This later history often provides access to texts known only through their transmission over time, via new copies and communication contexts.

In recent decades, the approach to medieval historiography in the Iberian Peninsula has changed considerably. Influenced by various analytical approaches, there has been an increasing preference for viewing texts not as mere repositories of factual information, but as cultural objects with specific functionalities and, more recently, as communicative messages. Texts produced within the direct sphere of royal power were among the first to spark this shift in perspective, but over time, the scope of historiographical forms deemed worthy of scholarly attention has expanded. Furthermore, the range of historiographical genres considered relevant has also broadened, as increased focus on non-formal and non-factual aspects has brought previously overlooked formats into the spotlight.

Short historiography, defined as historiographical forms characterised by their synthetic nature, including annals are as a prime example, is one of those areas that has gained interest in the framework I have been talking about. Thus, there has been a shift from considering these texts as archaic forms of little interest to treating them as works with meaning within their specific context, such as justifying dynastic choices or territorial configurations. This interest has led researchers to trace these short forms across the Iberian Peninsula, rediscovering unpublished texts that expand a panorama that was practically deserted beyond the 13th century, with some exceptions. I will highlight only a set of texts from the first half of the 14th century, which indicate a north-south shift of annalist historiography as the Christian-Muslim political frontier advanced. These works are located on the Andalusian border, spanning the kingdoms of Cordoba and Seville and their areas of influence, and include the Anales cordubenses, the aforementioned Anales del infante, or the Libro de las eras. These texts are also important as a link to understand the evolution between the 13th century annals and those already known from the first half of the 15th century, with which they appear genetically related.

Together with other examples known for the Castilian area, or also the Anales de Pedro Ruiz, which were published in 2022, this set of texts demonstrates the enduring relevance of annals throughout the 14th century and their use by different authorities to establish a certain memory of the past. Beyond this interest in anchoring the past, there are other less well-known historiographical examples typically associated with local settings an urban elites. One of the current lines of research in this area is the study of historical accounts linked to the list of judges appended to the Fuero de Baeza, which highlights the close relationship between numerous historiographical works (and their material forms) and the legal sphere. Another line of research involves a collection of anecdotal information related to the Jerez elites, which left traces in various later compositions. These include an universal chronicle written in the Galician diocese of Mondoñedo in the early 15th century, the Crónica de 1404, also several histories of Jerez written in the modern era, as well as an historical memorial included in the minutes of the Jerez town council from the late 15th century.

What is interesting is not only the individual study of each of these historical manifestations, but their global analysis, both for the frequent interrelations that are inferred between every text, and to deepen our understanding of the relationship that medieval society had with the use of the past and its written record. These lines of research, which, as I mentioned, converge on the interest in the uses and writing about the past by different sociopolitical groups, from the monarchy to other minor elites, in late medieval Castile, are being developed in collaboration with other colleagues through different ongoing research projects, namely “Minores. Construir la memoria de las élites periféricas en la Corona de Castilla y el Reino de Navarra” (10th-16th centuries), directed by researchers Eloísa Ramírez (UPNA) and María Teresa López de Guereño (UAM) and “Enfrentarse al rey: rebeliones, estado y cultura de la política en Castilla desde una perspectiva comparada” (13th-15th centuries), directed by Fernando Arias (UVa). Some of these lines of research build upon previous projects, such as “Aranhis. Archivum Annalisticum Hispanum“, directed by Covadonga Valdaliso (Universidade de Lisboa). It is also worth mentioning the emerging group “e-Storias. Laboratorio de Historiografía Medieval y Humanidades Digitales”, coordinated from the Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia by my colleague Ricardo Pichel and myself from the University of Seville, now an integral part of the recently approved Network of Excellence CHARTA 4.0.


Photo: Page of one of the manuscripts mentioned above, in: Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, MSS11011, f. 148r.

Auf dem Jakobsweg nach Santiago de Compostela

Bericht zur Exkursion von Prof. Dr. Nikolas Jaspert (21.09.2024 – 29.09.2024) von Lisa Bauer, Leo Groll und Nicolas Vernola

Abstract: In this report Leo Groll, Nicolas Vernola and Lisa Bauer present the field trip to the Spanish Way of St. James. They trace their journey along the Camino Francés and recapitulate their impressions, which they place in the context of the medieval history of northern Iberia. They provide an insight into the religious, political and social developments along the Camino, as well as the complex cultural intertwinings on the Iberian Peninsula.

Zusammenfassung: In diesem Beitrag präsentieren Leo Groll, Nicolas Vernola und Lisa Bauer die Exkursion auf dem spanischen Jakobsweg. Sie zeichnen ihre Reise auf dem Camino Francés nach und rekapitulieren ihre Eindrücke, die sie in die mittelalterliche Geschichte des Nordens der Iberischen Halbinsel einordnen. Sie geben damit einen Einblick in die religiösen, politischen und sozialen Entwicklungen entlang des Caminos, wie auch in die komplexen kulturellen Verflechtungen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel.

Vom 21. bis 29. September 2024 bereisten 23 Studierende des Historischen Seminars unter der Leitung von Prof. Dr. Nikolas Jaspert und Dr. Victòria Burguera den spanischen Jakobsweg. Von Pamplona aus pilgerten’ wir eine Woche lang per Reisebus auf dem Camino Francés bis zum Grab des Heiligen Jakobus in Santiago de Compostela.

Hintergrund vieler der von uns beobachteten Phänomene waren die auf der mittelalterlichen Iberischen Halbinsel einst bestehenden christlichen  und muslimischen Reiche. So begann unsere Reise im Nordosten im ehemaligen Königreich Navarra, führte uns durch Kastilien und León und endete im bergigen Galizien. Gemeinsam erkundeten wir die sozialen, kulturellen und religiösen Entwicklungen und Verflechtungen entlang des Caminos. 

Als Verbindung von herrschaftlicher Repräsentation und religiosem Leben besuchten wir mehrere königliche Grablegen in eigens dafür gestifteten Klöstern und Konventen. Das einstige Kanonikerkonvent Santa María la Real in Nájera mit dem Grab von König Garcia Sánchez III. diente als Grablege der Könige von Navarra, als dessen Hauptstadt Nájera im 10. Jahrhundert gegründet worden war. Das Zisterzienserinnenkloster Santa María la Real de Las Huelgas bei Burgos wurde von König Alfons VIII. von Kastilien und dessen Frau Eleonore Plantagenet gestiftet. Nicht nur die Grablege dieses Herrscherpaares und weiterer Mitglieder der königlichen Familie, sondern wir konnten dort auch eine exzeptionelle Textiliensammlung des 13. Jahrhunderts besichtigen. In der Kartause von Miraflores, ebenfalls bei Burgos, bestaunten wir wiederum die spätmittelalterliche Pracht einer gewaltigen Retabel sowie des Grabmals von König Juan II. von Kastilien und seiner Ehefrau Isabella von Portugal.

Zu einer der vielen Nebeneffekte des Pilgerwesens zählen die Städtegründungen am Jakobsweg. Die iberischen Herrscher förderten die langfristige Besiedlung der wenig bevölkerten Gebiete durch fueros, Privilegien, welche den Neuankömmlingen eine juristische und administrative Autonomie, sowie Steuer- und Abgabefreiheiten und die Befreiung von der Heeresfolge gestatteten. Die franci, die von jenseits der Pyrenäen kamen, ließen sich in den Städten nieder und leisteten als Handwerker und Händler einen großen Beitrag zum wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung des Nordens der Iberischen Halbinsel. In Estella hatten wir nicht nur die Möglichkeit, das ,,Frankenviertel“ St. Martin zu erkunden, sondern auch eine Darstellung des Heiligen Rolands im Kapitell des Königspalastes zu betrachten. Höchstwahrscheinlich brachten die franci den Rolandskult in diese Region. Auf diese Art fanden kulturelle Integrationsprozesse, wie der Transfer von lokalen Heiligenkulten, die neben der Jakobsverehrung gepflegt wurden, statt. 

Eine andere Gründungsdynamik von großer Bedeutung war die Installation zahlreicher religiöser Ordensgemeinschaften auf dem Jakobsweg. Um die Pilgermassen körperlich für ihre Weiterreise und spirituell im Hinblick auf ihr Seelenheil zu versorgen, ließen sich geistliche Institutionen nieder, die über Spitäler, Konvente, Herbergen und Kirchen verfügten. Darüber hinaus widmeten sich die Ritterorden der Bekämpfung der Muslime auf der Iberischen Halbinsel und dem Schutz der Pilger auf ihrem Weg nach Santiago de Compostela. Spuren des Templerordens waren in Pontferrada sichtbar. In León befanden wir uns im Convento de San Marcos, der als Haupthaus des 1152 gegründeten Santiagoordens fungierte. Nicht nur war dieser der einzige Orden, der hauptsächlich auf der Iberischen Halbinsel operierte, sondern auch einer der wenigen, der auf das Zölibat verzichtete. 

Die zu erwartende Jakobus-Verehrung entlang des Weges zeigte sich uns, neben Spuren des Santiagoordens, zunächst in Form von Statuen des Heiligen mit Pilgerstab und Muschel in zahlreichen Kirchen. Unser Besuch der Burg von Clavijo bildete jedoch den Ausgangspunkt, um über eine andersartige Dimension der Jakobus-Verehrung nachzudenken. Eine Schlacht, die dort angeblich im 9. Jahrhunderts stattgefunden hatte, wurde durch das fiktive Erscheinen des berittenen und bewaffneten Jakobus von christlicher Seite aufgeladen. In Form des Santiago Matamoros wurde das Ereignis ikonographisch verarbeitet; diese Variation des heiligen Jakobus begegnete uns etwa in der Kathedrale von Santiago de Compostela. Daneben stießen wir auf die lokale Verehrung zweier weiterer Heiliger; so soll Santo Domingo de la Calzada vom dort bestatteten und verehrten heiligen Dominikus gegründet worden sein. Ins Monasterio de Suso im heutigen San Millán de la Cogolla war der heilige Aemilianus translatiert worden. Im neueren Monasterio de Yuso konnten wir dessen mit herausragenden Elfenbeintäfelchen besetzten Reliquienschrein begutachten.

Bei unseren zahlreichen Kirchenbesuchen lernten wir typische Architektur- und Kunststile der Iberischen Halbinsel kennen. So stießen wir beispielsweise immer wieder auf platereske Kunstarbeiten, die im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert innerhalb der Spätgotik entstanden. Jedoch beeindruckten uns besonders die Bauwerke, die von den komplexen Verflechtungen der christlichen und muslimischen Gruppen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel zeugen. Zwischen dem 8. und 10. Jahrhundert dehnte sich das Kalifat von Córdoba bis in den Norden der Iberischen Halbinsel aus. Im Frühmittelalter strahlten die kulturellen Errungenschaften Córdobas bis weit über den muslimischen Einflussbereich hinweg aus. Insbesondere in den muslimisch beherrschten Regionen der Iberischen Halbinsel wirkten sich die islamischen Kunststile stark auf die dort lebende christliche Bevölkerung, die sogenannten Mozaraber, aus. Es entstanden einzigartige mozarabische Bauwerke, die christliche und muslimische Elemente in ihrer Architektur vereinten. Die für den mozarabischen Baustil charakteristischen Hufeisenbögen konnten wir im Monasterio de San Miguel de Escalada bewundern. Ein weiterer Baustil, der von dem kulturellen Austausch zwischen Christen und Muslimen zeugt, ist der Mudéjar-Stil. Er entwickelte sich ab dem 12. Jahrhundert in den christlichen Reichen im Norden der Iberischen Halbinsel. Nach der Eroberung dieser Gebiete durch Christen lebten dort noch immer Muslime, die Mudéjaren, die als eigene soziale Gruppe innerhalb der christlichen Gesellschaft lebten und ihre Sprache und Religion weiterhin pflegten. Für ihre hohe Kunstfertigkeit bekannt und dennoch billiger als christliche Arbeiter, waren die Mudéjaren besonders am Jakobsweg gefragte Handwerker. Sie verwendeten günstige und leicht zugängliche Materialien; so zeichnen sich viele dieser Bauten unter anderem durch Ziegelsteine aus, zum Beispiel die Kirche San Tirso in Sahagún. Aus der islamischen Baukunst wurden komplexe Formen und geometrische Muster übernommen, die unter anderem in den besonders eindrucksvollen Dachstuhlkonstruktionen verwendet wurden. Typische dekorative Elemente waren dabei die prächtigen Sternmuster, die aus parallel verlaufenden Holzbalken bestehen. Eine dieser Holzdecken konnten wir in der Iglesia de San Francisco in Villafranca del Bierzo bewundern. Die Mudéjar-Bauten sind bis heute ein sichtbares Zeichen dafür, dass die muslimische Minderheit unter christlicher Herrschaft ihre kulturellen Ausdrucksformen beibehielt. Der kulturelle Austausch zwischen Christen und Muslimen, der Hand in Hand mit gewaltsamen religiösen Kriegen stattfand, zeugt bis heute von der Vielseitigkeit der kulturellen Begegnungen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel. 

Einen Höhepunkt unserer Reise bildete der Besuch des Diözesanarchivs von León direkt gegenüber der dortigen Kathedrale. Zusammen mit Studierenden der Universität von León wurden wir von Prof. Dr. Gregoria Cavero Domínguez durch eine ausgewählte Kollektion bedeutender Urkunden und Codices geführt. Wir durften prachtvolle Königsurkunden, wie die Königs Alfons X., der im 13. Jahrhundert auch zum römisch-deutschen König gewählt worden war, untersuchen. Ein weiteres hervorhebungswertes Stück war ein Pergament, das auf einer einzigen Seite fünf verschiedene Urkunden enthielt. Neben diesen Stücken erhielten wir im Diözesanarchiv einen einzigartigen Einblick in diverse Quellengattungen der Leóneser Überlieferung.

Der Jakobsweg war und ist ein Ort des Austausches und der Begegnung. Während unserer Reise lernten wir verschiedene Aspekte des mittelalterlichen Lebens am Jakobsweg kennen. Das Ineinandergreifen von muslimisch-christlichem Kulturtransfer, Heiligenverehrung sowie der Gestaltung des Weges durch Ordenseinrichtungen und Städtegründungen wurde auf eindrucksvolle Weise in der Architektur, den Kunstobjekten und Schriftquellen erfahrbar.

Guitard the Black, a Catalan Slave Raider around the Year 1000

Thomas Freudenhammer, Independent Scholar (Berlin)

Abstract: This study examines the life and activities of Guitard the Black, a Catalan knight and slave trader active during the late 10th and early 11th centuries. Through the analysis of charters and wills, it reconstructs Guitard’s role in cross-border raids against Al-Andalus, his participation in the slave trade, and his economic actitivities. Guitard’s acquisition of a Saracen slave in exchange for land in 997 and his later will reveal the integration of slavery into the Catalan economy and society. His legacy illustrates the interconnectedness of warfare, trade, and social structures along the medieval Christian-Muslim frontier.

On 28th October 997, Count Ramon Borrell and Countess Ermessinda of Barcelona sold a large estate to a certain Guitard. This estate, a fiscal property of the counts (feum), was located in the county of Ausona, in Villardepol, a small town south of the episcopal city of Vic. The price was to be paid in kind, which in this case meant one horse, one Saracen (Sarrazino I) and some other unnamed goods. In addition, each of these items was assigned a monetary value: the horse was valued at ten pesas, the Saracen at three pesas and the unnamed goods at two silver pesas.1

With the word ‘Saracen’ (Sarrazino, or Sarraceno) charters in 10th and 11th-century Catalonia referred to the inhabitants of neighbouring Al-Andalus. In 985, members of the ‘Saracen people’ under their leader Almanzor had conquered and plundered the city of Barcelona, as recalled in some later documents.2 However, other documents of the time show the members of this ethnic group in a completely different situation. As we learn from several wills, Saracens could be bequeathed, sold or exchanged by their owners as any movable property. We can therefore regard these people as slaves, although they were never labelled servus or ancilla. These ‘classical’ Latin terms were only used for the ‘autochthonous’ Christian slaves which still existed at the time in Catalonia but who were gradually replaced by the ‘foreign’ Saracen slaves.3

Let’s return to the starting point. What do the prices mentioned in the deed of sale from 997 mean? At the turn of the 11th century, Catalonia had practically become part of the currency area of Al-Andalus. Andalusi gold dinars and silver dirhams circulated all over the country and were widely accepted as a means of payment. At the same time, a bimetallic unit of account, the pesa, was used for many transactions. Under this system, one pesa could be paid out in 14 dinars or in 100 dirhams or in a combination of both.4

In the present case, Guitard handed over a Saracen slave in payment for an estate instead of money. However, he appears to have been well aware of how much he would have earned by selling the Saracen on the slave market, namely three pesas or 42 dinars. As we can see from this, Guitard was obviously an experienced slave trader. But how did he come into the possession of the Saracens in the first place?

In our search for further documents about the slave trader Guitard, we must bear in mind that people in Catalonia at that time generally only had one name and that the name Guitard was very common.5 In our case, we are helped by the name of the estate that Guitard acquired from Count Ramon in 997: Villardepol. As this estate reappears under the name Vilar de Paulo in the will of a certain Guitard from 1013, we can clearly identify this testator with the slave raider of the same name.6

What do we learn from Guitard’s will? In 1013, Count Ramon Borrell and Countess Ermessinda prepared for a campaign against Al-Andalus, mobilizing all the forces of their country.7 Guitard also followed the call of his lords and went into battle, where he met his fate: he was pierced by a lance and killed.8 In his will, made shortly before the campaign, he mentioned horses and weapons that he was about to take with him into the counts’ army.9 However, the horses were hardly able to go into battle alone, somebody had to ride them. We can therefore conclude that Guitard had previously entrusted these horses, as well as the weapons, to a number of horsemen, who then formed a small troop of knights under his command. 

At the head of this force, Guitard was certainly in a position to carry out raids and kidnap people in the border region with Al-Andalus long before the campaign of 1013. It can therefore be assumed that the Saracen, whom Guitard handed over to Count Ramon in 997, had been captured by his own troop. We can therefore identify Guitard as a slave raider who, at the head of his own unit of knights, engaged in cross-border raids in the border region of Al-Andalus. Guitard will have sold most of the Saracens he captured, but he seems to have kept some of them for himself, as we will soon see. At the same time, he appears to have been involved in horse breeding, as he could supply his own troop with mounts and give Count Ramon a valuable warhorse worth ten pesas. We do not know where Guitard’s knights were stationed. In his will, he mentions some ‘towers’ (turres), small fortresses, which could have served as strongholds for his troop.

Guitard will not have been the only person to carry out attacks in the border region of Al-Andalus and these raids were certainly not without risks for the Catalan knights. The will of another knight named Guadamir, who died in 964, tells us that he wanted to ransom a ‘captured knight’ in exchange for a Saracen in his power.10 This knight had probably been kidnapped during one of the raids Guadamir had undertaken. We can conclude that the Saracens defended their country and also carried out cross-border raids during which they captured people. A particularly large number of people lost their freedom when Barcelona fell into the hands of the Andalusi ruler Almanzor in 985. As a general rule, Andalusi and Catalan captives could be exchanged on equal terms or released for ransom (redempcio). On both sides of the border, people endeavoured to secure the redemption of their loved ones. In Catalonia many wills of the time contain special legacies intended for the ransom of those captives.11

In one case, we learn something about the ransom process. At the end of his will, Guitard left the ‘ransom for my female Saracen captive’ as a legacy for St Peter’s in Rome.12 It can be surmised that the raider had kept this Saracen captive as a concubine for himself and wanted to sell her back to Al-Andalus before the war campaign.13 At any rate, we can assume that at the time of his will, Guitard had already released the Saracen woman and was now waiting for the ransom to be paid. The whole process was probably handled by special agents who travelled back and forth between Catalonia and Al-Andalus.14 Unfortunately, Guitard’s will does not tell us how much the ransom was.

Incidentally, we find a comparable scenario in the will of a certain knight Borrell from Vic from the year 970. Borrell bequeathed the priests of the church of Vic the sum of three pesas ‘that they owe me from Al-Andalus’, as he put it.15 Here, we learn the amount of money expected from Al-Andalus, but not the reason for the payment. As in Guitard’s case, it could have been the ransom for a Saracen slave, especially since three pesas seem to have made up the market value of a Saracen, as the deed of 997 shows. On the other hand, Borrell could simply have sold some of his stocks of grain, wine, wool or linen, that he mentioned in his will.16

Guitard’s will and its sacramental publication have only survived in a copy from the year 1034. In the preamble to this copy, the document is referred to as the will of Guitardo Nigro.17 Whether the byname ‘the Black’ referred to Guitard’s physical appearance or to his activities as slave raider, considered brutal and ruthless by his fellow countrymen, must remain open to speculation. Perhaps Guitard the Black could be compared with Count Fulk III of Anjou (972–1040), who was nicknamed Fulco Nerra a few decades after his death. Fulk Nerra was notorious for his brutality, even by the standards of the time. To make amends for his misdeeds, he undertook at least three pilgrimages to Jerusalem.18

Guitard the Black came from the county of Cerdanya, where he had inherited an estate from his parents, as he explains in his will. He was married to a woman called Trudelendis and had two sons, Guifred and Eribau. In addition to the estate of Vilar de Paulo, acquired from Count Ramon in 997,Guitard owned several others in the area of Manresa, which he may also have purchased with the proceeds of the slave trade. Some of these estates he bequeathed to his wife and the two sons. His armour (alsebergum) went to his son Guifred, while a valuable red brocade fabric (tirezo vermilio), which probably came from the spoils of a raid in Al-Andalus, went to the church of St Mary of Manresa. Guitard’s elder son Guifred appears to have continued his father’s military career. Around 1060, he swore allegiance to Count Ramon Berenguer I and Countess Almodis as commander of the castle of Manresa.19


Photo: A small troop of knights, in: Bible of Roda (BNF Manuscrits LAT 6 (3)), fol. 145r, URL: [https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b85388130/f294.item] (02.02.2025).

  1. Ordeig i Mata, Ramon (ed.), Catalunya Carolíngia, Volum IV, Els comtats d’Osona i Manresa, Barcelona 1999, No. 1780bis: in propter precium kavallo I per pesses Xcem et Sarrazino I per pesses III et pessades II de argento. []
  2. Cf. a charter from 1000 as one example of many: quando Barchinona fuit capta a gente Sarracena (Baiges i Jardí, Ignasi J. / Puig i Ustrell, Pere (eds.), Catalunya Carolíngia, Volum VII, El comtat de Barcelona, Barcelona 2019, No. 1520). []
  3. For more details, see Freudenhammer, Thomas, Saracen Slaves in Tenth and Early Eleventh-Century Catalonia, Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 110/3 (2023), pp. 370–382. []
  4. Freudenhammer, Thomas (2023): The Pesa, a Bimetallic Unit of Account in Tenth and Eleventh-Century Catalonia, Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 110/1 (2023), pp. 74–89. []
  5. Some prominent examples: Viscount Guitard of Barcelona (died before 985), Abbot Guitard of Sant Cugat del Vallès (1010–1053), Guitardo piperario (a spice merchant in Barcelona, mentioned in 1025) and another wealthy citizen of Barcelona called Guitard ‘the Greek’ (Guitardo Greco, died around 1019). []
  6. Ordeig i Mata, Ramon (ed.), Diplomatari de la Catedral de Vic, Segle XI, Vic 2000, No. 741: Precipio vobis in primis donare faciatis ipsum meum alaudem de Vilar de Paulo, donare faciatis ad domum Sancti Petri sedis Vico propter Deum et remedium anime mee. []
  7. Ibid.: In nomine Domini. Ego Guitardus. Manifestum est quia domnus Reimundus comite et domna Ermessinda comitissa volunt pergere contra Spania cum comitis, episcopis, vicecomitis, cum omnium exercitum illorum, maximis vel minimis. []
  8. Ordeig i Mata, Ramon (ed.), Diplomatari de la Catedral de Vic, Segle XI, Vic 2000, No. 747 (the opening of the will after his death): sic fuit lanceatus sive perforatus III Kalendas Marci in mense preterito. []
  9. Ibid.: Et ipsos meos cavallos que ego abeo ad ipsa oste in Ispania, si mors mihi advenerit, si Deus a vobis reddiderit, aut de armas, vindere faciatis et ipsum precium donare faciatis urbis Rome Sancti Petri. []
  10. Ordeig i Mata, Ramon (ed.), Catalunya Carolíngia, Volum IV, Els comtats d’Osona i Manresa, Barcelona 1999, No. 951: et ipso Mecelemo iussit dare pro anima sua ad ipso cavallero captivo. []
  11. Rovira i Solà, Manuel, Notes documentals sobre alguns efectes de la presa de Barcelona per Al-Mansur (985), in: Acta historica et archaelogica mediaevalia 1 (1980), pp. 31–54. []
  12. Ordeig i Mata, Ramon (ed.), Diplomatari de la Catedral de Vic, Segle XI, Vic 2000, No. 747: Et ipsa redempcione de mea captiva Sarracena donare faciatis ad Sancti Petri Roma. []
  13. A similar case is reported in the will of Adalbert, son of Viscount Guitard, made before setting off to war in Al-Andalus in 1010: Rius i Serra, José (ed.), Cartulario de Sant Cugat del Vallés, Barcelona 1945–47, No. 441: et vindere faciatis ipsa mea Sarrazina et trimittere ipso precio ad domum Sancti Petri Roma. []
  14. We know of only one document from the end of the 10th century that points to such an agent: Baiges i Jardí, Ignasi J. / Puig i Ustrell, Pere (eds.), Catalunya Carolíngia, Volum VII, El comtat de Barcelona, Barcelona 2019, No. 1544. Here, a female captive named Dadil complains that she has no one to buy her freedom (Dadil femina […] misera captiva […] et quando fui in captivitate non fuit umquam homo neque femina qui me redemiserit). However, she managed to make a will, which Vito, a friend of hers brought from Huesca to Barcelona: Sciatis omnes Christiani qui ista carta ego mandavi per Vito, amico meo, et ego mandavi scribere in civitate Uosca. []
  15. Ordeig i Mata, Ramon (ed.), Catalunya Carolíngia, Volum IV, Els comtats d’Osona i Manresa, Barcelona 1999, No. 1078: ipsas tres pesas quod mihi debent de Spania donare faciatis in sacerdotibus; see also Zimmermann, Michel, Testament de Borrell. Le pèlerinage romain d’un catalan, in: Olivier Guyotjeannin / Emmanuel Poulle (eds.), Autour de Gerbert d’Aurillac, le pape de l’an mil, Album de documents commentés, Paris 1996, pp. 20–25, with a commentary and photograph of the document. []
  16. Ibid.: Et de omne rerum facultatum mearum quicquic mobilis est: pane, vino, lana, lino, bestias maiores vel minores […] ipsa tercia parte propter remedium anime mee sive supra sacrosancto altario, sive in sacerdotibus sive in debitis cuius ego debeo sive in pauperibus erogandis. []
  17. Ordeig i Mata, Ramon (ed.), Diplomatari de la Catedral de Vic, Segle XI, Vic 2000, No. 925: the copy from 25th May 1034. The epithet Nigro appears in the preamble to the copy: Hec est scriptura ab autentica fideliter translata […] id est testamento vel condicione condam Guitardo Nigro ex sue ultime voluntatis. []
  18. Kohl, Thomas, Sozialer Wandel und die Zweinamigkeit im 11. Jahrhundert – eine französische Perspektive. Namenkundliche Informationen 103/104 (2014), pp. 244–266, here pp. 255f. []
  19. Benet i Clarà, Albert, Història de Manresa. Dels orígens al segle XI, Manresa 1985, pp. 109–111. []

The Pope, the Jews, the Schism: Contested Authority and Coercive Polemics

Bénédicte Sère, Columbia University New York

Abstract: This blog post examines the role of Pope Benedict XIII (1394–1423) in re-purposing Jewish-Christian polemics during the Great Western Schism (1378–1417). As a native of Aragon, Benedict’s early participation in Jewish-Christian disputations, such as the Tortosa Disputation (1413–1414), informed his rhetorical and theological strategies. Facing political isolation and ecclesiastical challenges, he leveraged anti-Judaic policies to consolidate authority and appeal to anti-Jewish sentiment in Iberia. His actions underscore the duality of theological confidence and political vulnerability, as well as the interconnection of minority and majority histories in late medieval Europe. By weaponizing polemics against both Jewish communities and rivals inside the Church, Benedict XIII illustrates how intellectual traditions can be instrumentalised in challenging times.

Pedro de Luna, who became Pope Benedict XIII (1394–1423), offers a striking example of how intellectual traditions and theological polemics can be repurposed in moments of political crisis. A native of Aragon, Benedict XIII was deeply shaped by his participation in Jewish-Christian disputations, such as the 1379 encounter with Shem Tov Ibn Shaprut in Pamplona. While direct accounts of this specific event are scarce, other well-documented debates from the 1370s, such as those in Ávila and Burgos, provide valuable insight into his development as a formidable disputant. This early immersion in anti-Jewish argumentation not only solidified his theological training but also provided him with rhetorical tools that he would later repurpose to navigate the complexities of the Great Western Schism.

The Great Schism (1378–1417) fractured the unity of Christendom, with multiple claimants to the papacy competing for legitimacy. Benedict XIII, elected by the Avignon obedience, faced particular challenges as his support waned across Europe, culminating in his condemnation at the Council of Pisa (1409). Isolated politically and ecclesiastically, he turned to anti-Judaic policies as a means of consolidating his authority. This strategy relied on a twofold logic: first, to position himself as the defender of Christian orthodoxy; and second, to appeal to his Iberian base, where anti-Jewish sentiment was deeply entrenched.

Benedict’s most notable engagement in Jewish-Christian polemics as pope was the Tortosa Disputation (1413–1414). This event, orchestrated under his direct supervision and Geronimo de Santa Fe’s one, sought to force Jewish leaders into public debates aimed at demonstrating the supremacy of Christian doctrine. While framed as intellectual exchanges, these disputations were deeply coercive, designed to humiliate Jewish participants and pressure them into conversion. The aftermath of Tortosa, including the promulgation of the bull Etsi doctoris gentium, marked a high point in Benedict’s anti-Judaic policy. This legislation imposed severe restrictions on Jewish communities, from censorship of texts to social isolation, further marginalizing them within Christian society.

Historians have highlighted the connection between Benedict XIII’s anti-Jewish policies and his political vulnerability. Frank Talmage, for instance, argued that Benedict viewed the conversion of Iberian Jews as a means of strengthening his papal claims, particularly in the eyes of the Council of Constance (1414–1418). Similarly, Robert Chazan has noted the paradoxical nature of Christian aggressiveness during this period, characterized by both confidence in their theological position and deep anxieties about ecclesiastical authority. Benedict’s actions reflect this duality, as he weaponized anti-Jewish polemics not only against Jewish communities but also indirectly against his rivals within the Church.

One of Benedict’s key innovations was his ability to adapt the argumentative frameworks of Jewish-Christian disputations to the intra-Church conflicts of the Schism. His training in polemics provided him with a repertoire of strategies that he redirected toward his opponents within the obediential sphere. By drawing on familiar structures of argumentation, he was able to present himself as a scholar-pope defending orthodoxy against heresy, whether in the form of Jewish doctrine or the claims of rival papal factions.

Recent scholarship has shed new light on Benedict’s motives and methods. Christian Jörg, for example, has interpreted his anti-Jewish policies as opportunistic, designed to shore up his waning support on the Iberian Peninsula. At the same time, scholars like Eleazar Gutwirth and Carlos del Valle Rodríguez have highlighted the broader context of late medieval Spain, where anti-clericalism and challenges to ecclesiastical authority shaped the dynamics of Jewish-Christian relations. Figures such as Vincent Ferrer and Pablo de Santa María, closely associated with Benedict, shared a common vision of reducing Jewish presence through a combination of preaching, legislation, and public disputation.

Benedict XIII’s reliance on anti-Judaic rhetoric underscores the interconnectedness of minority and majority histories in late medieval Europe. As Kenneth R. Stow observes, the histories of Jewish and Christian communities are “inextricably entwined,” shaped by mutual influences and conflicts. In Benedict’s case, his anti-Jewish policies were not only theological but also deeply political, reflecting his struggle to assert authority in a fragmented Christendom. By examining the intersections of Jewish-Christian polemics and the Great Schism, we gain a clearer understanding of how intellectual traditions can be instrumentalised in moments of crisis, with lasting consequences for both majority and minority communities.


Photo: Woodcut by Johann von Armssheim (1483) depicting a disputation between Christian and Jewish scholars, in: Soncino Blaetter, Berlin, 1929. Jerusalem, B. M. Ansbacher Collection, designed by Pete Russell, Faringdon, Oxon.

„Ca en_tu consejo non ha fall(l)a“: Calila e Dimna, Alfons der Weise und die Fürstenspiegel

Ulrike Becker, Universität Bonn

Abstract: Why did a crown prince, later known as Alfonso the Wise, “el sabio” (1221-1284), have a collection of stories about a scheming jackal and a lion king translated from Arabic into Castilian as the very first narrative prose text ever (Calila e Dimna, 12511)? Why does he come return to this in his General Estoria? Does he join the ranks of Chosrau-Anushirvan (6th century) and al-Ma’mūn (8-9th century) or al-Mansūr (8th century), each of whom was instrumental in the translatio and went down in history as a wise great ruler and promoter of science and education? Or does the fascination of the fables for Alfonso lie in the fact that both the ideal ruler and pragmatic acting are discussed? Add to this Alexander the Great, Aristotle and “sabios antiguos” as references for power politics of the mirror of princes, it is worthwile to systematically examine the narrative forms of representation of power and domination, and specifically the question to which extent the reception of mirrors for princes by means of translations at the time of Alfonso X contributed to the formation, illustration and dissemination of a specific, potentially innovative understanding of pre-modern power and domination.

Zusammenfassung: Wieso lässt ein Kronprinz, später Alfons der Weise, „el sabio“, genannt (1221–1284), einen Erzählband um einen intriganten Schakal und einen Löwenkönig als ersten narrativen Prosatext überhaupt aus dem Arabischen ins Kastilische übersetzen (Calila e Dimna, 1251)? Wieso kommt er darauf in seiner General Estoria zurück?2 Reiht er sich ein bei Chosrau-Anushirvan (6. Jh.) und al-Ma’mūn (8./9. Jh.) oder al-Mansūr (8. Jh.), jeweils maßgeblich für die Translatio dieser Fabelsammlung und als weise Großherrscher, Förderer von Wissenschaft und Bildung in die Geschichte eingegangen? Oder liegt die Faszination für die Fabelsammlung für den König von Kastilien darin, dass sowohl der ideale Herrscher als auch pragmatisches Agieren erörtert werden? Kommen zu diesem Fragenkomplex noch Alexander der Große, Aristoteles sowie „sabios antiguos“ als machtpolitische Referenzen des Fürstenspiegels hinzu, ist es lohnenswert, die narrativen Darstellungsformen von Macht und Herrschaft systematisch zu untersuchen, und zwar konkret im Hinblick auf die Frage, inwieweit die Rezeption von „orientalischen“3 Fürstenspiegeln in Form von Übersetzungen zur Zeit Alfons´ X. zur Herausbildung, Illustration und Verbreitung eines spezifischen, potenziell innovativen Verständnisses von vormoderner Macht und Herrschaft beigetragen hat.

Diesem Fragenkomplex widmet sich das Buchprojekt (Habilitationsschrift) „Calila e Dimna und Alfons der Weise: Fürstenspiegel, Weisheitsliteratur und alfonsinische Macht- und Herrschaftsstrukturen in transkultureller Perspektive“, entstanden im vormaligen SFB 1167 „Macht und Herrschaft. Vormoderne Konfigurationen in transkultureller Perspektive“ der Universität Bonn und jetzt im dortigen Zentrum für vormoderne Ordnungen und ihre Kommunikationsformen beheimatet. Maßgeblich für das leitende Erkenntnisinteresse des Vorhabens sind die nachfolgend skizzierten Forschungsachsen.

Alfons X.: seine (politischen) Ambitionen und sein Wirken

Über Calila e Dimna hinaus beauftragte König Alfons X. zahlreiche Übersetzungen wissenschaftlicher Werke und Traktate aus dem Arabischen ins Kastilische, etwa über Astronomie, Lapidarien und Spiele, insbesondere das Schachspiel. Die Wahl des Kastilischen etablierte und erweiterte sowohl dessen semantisches Feld als auch sein identitätsstiftendes Potenzial als Nationalsprache: ein Bestreben, das sich auch in den Chroniken und Gesetzeswerken zeigt, an deren Verfassung Alfons als Autor in Zusammenarbeit mit seinem Skriptorium beteiligt war. Von besonderem Interesse sind die Siete Partidas, ein siebenbändiges Gesetzeswerk, in dem Alfons seine Vorstellungen einer beispielhaften Monarchie festschreibt, aber auch die Estoria de España macht seine Ideale offenkundig. Politisch strebte er auf internationaler Ebene die Kaiserkrone des Heiligen Römischen Reiches an (“fecho del imperio”), ein vergebliches Unterfangen, das seine Herrschaft in tiefgreifende Krisen führte.4

Alfonso X y su corte, in: Libro de los Juegos, URL: [https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/32/Libro_de_los_Juegos%2C_Alfonso_X_y_su_corte.jpg?uselang=de] (02.12.2024).

Der Textkanon: eine kurze Kontextualisierung

Zentraler Text des vorliegenden Projekts ist Calila e Dimna, Bestandteil der kastilischen Weisheitsliteratur, der kanonische Erzählwerke wie den Conde Lucanor von Don Juan Manuel, aber auch Chaucers Canterbury Tales und Boccaccios Decameron inspirierte. Darüber hinaus und vor allem ist Calila e Dimna als eminent politischer Text und Teil der transkulturellen Tradition von Fürstenspiegeln zu kategorisieren: So kompilierte Ibn al‑Muqaffaʽ in seiner arabischen Version Kalīla wa‑Dimna (nach 750 n. Chr.) die mittelpersische Fassung, die ihrerseits auf Texten indischer Provenienz wie u. a.dem Panchatantra (4. Jh.) beruhte. Der Kontext eben dieser für die kastilische Übersetzung maßgeblichen arabischen Vorlage des Ibn al‑Muqaffaʽ ist dadurch gekennzeichnet, dass sich arabische Schriften bereits seit der Machtübernahme durch das abbasidische Kalifat im Jahr 750 mit dem ʽbody politicʼ befassen, d.h. mit dem politischen Apparat und den Themen der obersten Staatsgewalt sowie mit der Frage, wie diese institutionell erreicht oder personell ausgeübt werden sollte, und zwar durch eine politische Philosophie, die auf den ersten Übersetzungen antiker Lehren beruht.5 Als Fürstenspiegel mit der Funktion, Staatskunst zu lehren, wandert der Text „of eastern inspiration“6 als Teil des „Iberischen Kontinuums“7 so von Ost nach West und geht mit diesem prozessualen Verständnis auch in die kastilische Version ein. Sowohl hinsichtlich dieses transkulturellen Weges, der Übersetzungszeiträume, des Verständnisses als auch des Genre sind Poridat de las poridades8, Libro de los buenos proverbios9 und Bocados de oro10 mit Calila vergleichbar. Als Fürstenspiegel arabischer Herkunft in kastilischer Sprache werden sie ebenfalls zur Analyse der narrativen Darstellungsformen von Macht und Herrschaft hinzugezogen. Der pseudo-aristotelische Traktat Poridat de las poridades inszeniert beispielsweise eine idealtypische Lehrsituation in Form eines Briefwechsels zwischen Aristoteles und Alexander dem Großen während seiner Eroberungszüge. Als Referenztexte der narrativen Darstellungsformen von Macht und Herrschaft werden kontextbezogen normative, pragmatische und historiografische Schriften Alfons´ X. einbezogen – insbesondere die Estoria de España (in der ins 13. Jh. datierten E1-Version oder „rama regia“ nach AengusWard11) sowie die Siete Partidas, die nach Fernández-Ordóñez als Kodex im Interesse herrschaftlicher Kontinuität zu verstehen sind: “código [que] sirva de texto de referencia a enseñanza para los príncipes que le sucedan en la corona”12.

Der Weg zum Ziel: Methodenvielfalt und Prozedere

Methodologisch ist die Zugriffsweise des vorliegenden Projekts literatur- und kulturwissenschaftlich ausgerichtet und in der Kulturgeschichte des Politischen angesiedelt.13 Aufgrund des transkulturellen Charakters des Analyseansatzes ergeben sich in Calila e Dimna thematische und konzeptionelle Bezüge zum Verständnis von Macht und Herrschaft unter Alfons X. aus dem Verhältnis einzelner narrativer Sequenzen und semantischer Strukturen zu ihren jeweiligen historisch-gesellschaftlichen Kontexten. Vergleichende Ansätze (sowohl historisch als auch literarisch) sind dem transkulturellen Thema inhärent. „Transkulturell“ ist die Perspektive in mehrfacher Hinsicht: textintern, da Vorläufertexte wie Palimpseste integriert sind, textextern aufgrund der Überlieferungsgeschichte sowie methodisch insofern, als Transkulturalität nicht nur als analytische Kategorie, sondern, im Sinne von Margit Mersch, als „Anregung, ihre Untersuchungsobjekte neu zu konstituieren, dynamische Beziehungsgeflechte und prozessuale Veränderungen in den Blick zu nehmen“ zu verstehen ist.14

Stand der Dinge

Aus der vergleichenden Textanalyse der Fürstenspiegel entsteht das Bild einer narrativ inszenierten idealen Herrschaft und der diese prägenden Charakteristika, oftmals auch ausgehend von der Kritik defizitärer Zustände – ein Bild, das sowohl die Person des Herrschers, den Hof sowie spezifische Personengruppen, z.B. die der Leistungselite, der Berater oder der Frauen umfasst. Dazu gesellen sich konkrete politische Konzepte etwa zur Entscheidungsfindung, zur Außenpolitik sowie zum Erhalt von Herrschaft oder zur Wahrung von Ordnung. All diese Kategorien erweisen sich inhaltlich als geeignet für eine kritische In-Bezug-Setzung und Relationierung zur Herrschaftspraxis von Alfons X. sowie zu seiner Vorstellung von Monarchie. Insbesondere in den Siete Partidas wie auch in der Estoria de España finden sich überraschend vielfältige Anknüpfungspunkte struktureller und inhaltlicher Art gerade im Hinblick auf letztere Aspekte. Konzentriert man den Blick auf Zeiten des Wandels und des speziellen Bedarfs an Herrschaftslegitimation sowohl im historischen, transkulturellen Umfeld als auch insbesondere im Kontext der Vormoderne, spielen grundsätzliche Fragen zum Verhältnis von Personalität und Transpersonalität von Macht und Herrschaft eine zentrale Rolle. Bei Alfons X. kristallisieren sich zudem Weisheit und die politische Macht des Wissens in Verbindung mit der Bedeutung des Mediums Buch als elementare Analyse-Achsen heraus. Dabei wird deutlich, dass die Kulturpolitik von Alfons mit seiner politischen Kultur Hand in Hand geht. Offenkundig wird auch, wie sich Alfons bezüglich der Relation von translatio studii und translatio imperii in eine Tradition einfügt, deren spezifische Ausformungen in Bezug auf seine Ideale und politischen Intentionen hinsichtlich des transkulturellen Kontextes die abschließenden Untersuchungen abbilden werden.


Photo: Burzuyeh is Summoned by Nushirvan on his Return from India, in: Kalila wa Dimna, URL:[https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%22Burzuyeh_is_Summoned_by_Nushirvan_on_his_Return_from_India%22,_Folio_from_a_Kalila_wa_Dimna_MET_sf1981-373-8b.jpg] (02.12.2024).

  1. El libro de Calila e Dimna (1251). Edición nueva de los dos manuscritos castellanos, ed. Hans‑Jörg Döhla, Zaragoza 2009, Manuskript A, 483, (28b). []
  2. General Estoria. Primera parte, ed. Pedro Sánchez Prieto Borjas, dspace.uah.es 2006, online: https://www.academia.edu/94930354/General_estoria_Primera_parte, [24.10.2024], Libro 7, 278 f. []
  3. „Orientalisch“ im Verständnis einer „eastern inspiration“ und Herkunft (cf. Jean-PhilippeGenet, „Conclusion: Mirrors for Princes and the Development of Reflections on the State“, in: Noëlle-Laetitia Perret, Stéphane Péquignot (eds.), A Critical Companion to the ‘Mirrors for Princes’ Literature, Leiden/Boston 2023, 514-542, 526. []
  4. Barbara Schlieben, Verspielte Macht. Politik und Wissen am Hofe Alfons´ X. (1252–1284), Berlin 2009, 275 f. []
  5. Bernard Lewis, Die politische Sprache des Islam, Berlin 1991, 50, 52. []
  6. Jean-PhilippeGenet, „ Conclusion: Mirrors for Princes and the Development of Reflections on the State“, in: Noëlle-Laetitia Perret, Stéphane Péquignot (eds.), A Critical Companion to the ‘Mirrors for Princes’ Literature, Leiden/Boston 2023, 514-542, 526. []
  7. Calila e Dimna ist Teil des Iberischen Kontinuums, wie es Beatrice Gründler in ihrem durch den Leibniz-Preis finanzierten Forschungsprojekt zu Kalīla wa‑Dimna zur Bezeichnung der translingualen Übertragungslinie nennt, die die arabische, kastilische, lateinische und hebräische Form umfasst. []
  8. Secreto de los secretos; Poridat de las poridades: versiones castellanas del Pseudo-Aristóteles Secretum Secretorum, ed. Hugo O. Bizzarri, Valencia 2010. []
  9. Libro de los buenos proverbios, ed. Christy Bandak, Zaragoza 2007. []
  10. Bocados de oro, ed. Mechthild Crombach, Bonn 1971. []
  11. Estoria de Espanna Digital v.1.1, ed. Aengus Ward, Birmingham 2020, https://blog.bham.ac.uk/estoriadigital/. []
  12. Inés Fernández-Ordoñez, “El taller historiográfico. La Estoria de España y la General estoria en el marco de las obas promovidas por Alfonso el Sabio”, in: Scriptorium alfonsí , de los libros de astrología a las “Cantigas de Santa María”, coord. Ana Domínguez Rodríguez, Jesús Montoya Martínez, Madrid, 1999, 105–126, online https://www.academia.edu/37778004/_1999_El_taller_historiogr%C3%A1fico_alfons%C3%AD_La_Estoria_de_Espa%C3%B1a_y_la_General_estoria_en_el_marco_de_las_obras_promovidas_por_Alfonso_el_Sabio_en_J_Montoya_y_A_Rodr%C3%ADguez_coords_El_Scriptorium_alfons%C3%AD_de_los_Libros_de_Astrolog%C3%ADa_a_las_Cantigas_de_Santa_Mar%C3%ADa_Madrid_FUC_p_105_126, 1-18, 5. []
  13. Wolfram Drews, Die Karolinger und die Abbasiden von Bagdad. Legitimationsstrategien frühmittelalterlicher Herrschaftsdynastien im transkulturellen Vergleich, Berlin 2009, 22 f. []
  14. Margit Mersch, Transkulturelle Verflechtungen. Mediävistische Perspektiven (kollaborativ geschrieben mit Georg Christ, Saskia Dönitz, Şevket Küçükhüseyin, Margit Mersch, Britta Müller-Schauenburg, Ulrike Ritzerfeld, Christian Vogel, Julia Zimmermann), Göttingen 2016, Open access, DOI: https://doi.org/10.17875/gup2016-981, 77. []

Uncovering the Legal Consciousness of Medieval Catalan Scholars through the ‘Usatges of Barcelona’

Anna Korneeva, independent scholar (Moscow)

Abstract: This study analyzes the ‘Usatges of Barcelona’, focusing on the translation techniques and linguistic adaptations in its Latin and Old Catalan versions. It reveals how medieval translators navigated multilingualism to enhance accessibility, emphasizing local customs while adapting legal frameworks to meet Catalan medieval societal needs.

The collection of customary laws named the ‘Usatges of Barcelona’, first compiled in the 12th century, exists in both Latin and Old Catalan versions, offering scholars an opportunity to explore the nuances of legal translation and the evolving legal consciousness of medieval Catalan intellectuals and jurists.

The research is based on a comparative analysis of the Latin and Old Catalan versions of the ‘Usatges’, focusing on the terminology, linguistic tools, and translation techniques employed by the medieval Catalan translators. By examining the foreign language elements, grammatical structures, and instances of inaccurate or intentional translation, researchers could gain valuable insights into the legal mindset of the period.

The essential aspect of this study is the analysis of multilingualism within the ‘Usatges’. The Latin version, likely the original, features a diverse array of terms, some with foreign etymologies, transcriptions, and grammatical adaptations. The Catalan translation often simplifies these linguistic complexities, favouring more familiar legal terminology and local customary references. The Catalan translators employed various techniques in rendering the ‘Usatges’ into the vernacular. These include generalization, particularization, and modulation of meaning.

The translators’ techniques also reveal several thoughts. While they generally respected the authority of the original Latin text, the Catalan translators employed various strategies, such as generalization, particularization, and modulation, to adapt the legal norms to the local context. This process of translation not only reflects the multilingual environment but also sheds light on the Pyrenean traditions of legal scholarship in the 13th century.

Additionally, the Catalan translators tended to actualize the legal norms, reducing descriptions and replacing Latinisms with local terms. For example, UB 64 (67) simplifies the verbal form from Latin “iurauerit” to Catalan “jurarà”, and UB 92(115) replaces the Latin “pupilli” with the more familiar Catalan “pobils”. The translation also exhibits grammatical and syntactical simplification. UB 10 (12) in Latin uses a more complex sentence structure, which is rendered in Catalan as the more concise. Similarly, UB 5 (6) in Latin has a longer sentence structure that is simplified in the Catalan version.

Perhaps most intriguing are the instances where the Catalan translation deviates from the Latin original, either through grammatical simplification, explanatory additions, or the replacement of Latinisms with more economically or customarily relevant terms. These “inaccuracies” can be seen as indicators of the translators’ legal consciousness, as they sought to make the text more accessible and relevant to the Catalan audience.

By delving into the linguistic and textual nuances of the ‘Usatges of Barcelona’, scholars can uncover the evolving legal mindset of medieval Catalan intellectuals. This comparative study not only sheds light on the complexities of legal translation but also provides a fascinating glimpse into the legal culture and traditions that shaped the legal landscape of medieval Catalonia.

Multilingualism is evident in the Latin version of the ‘Usatges’, where we see the different etymological origins of the terms used, transcription of words, and grammatical adaptation. The Latin version of UB 69 (74) uses the Catalan economic term with the Arabic origins “CECHIAM” which is Latinized and grammatically adapted, while the Catalan version simply says “La ciquia de l’ayga”.

These linguistic and translation features suggest that the Catalan translators were focused on making the legal text more accessible and understandable to the local audience, rather than strictly adhering to the original Latin forms. This reflects a particular legal consciousness that prioritized practical application and customary legal traditions over the authority of the original Latin text.

Selected Bibliography

Bastardas i Parera, Joan. Usatges De Barcelona. 1984. Internet Archive, http://archive.org/details/usatges-de-barcelona.

Martí i Castell, Joan. Estudi lingüístic dels „Usatges de Barcelona“: el codi a mitjan segle XII. Abadia de Montserrat, 2002. dialnet.unirioja.es, https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/libro?codigo=183571.

Martínez Gázquez, José. „El latín en los Usatges de Barcelona“. Glossae: European Journal of Legal History, Nr. 7, 1995, S. 101–12.

Meyer-Hermann, Reinhard. „Auxiliar-Konstruktionen im llatí medieval katalanischer Urkunden (10.–13. Jh.) und in den Usatici Barchinonae / Usatges de Barcelona (12.–15. Jh.)“. Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie (ZrP), Bd. 135, Nr. 2, Juni 2019, ss. 507–34, https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2019-0028.

Meyer-Hermann, Reinhard. „Zur Emergenz katalanischer Syntax in den Usatici Barchinonae: Usatges de Barcelona (12.–15. Jhdt.)“. Zeitschrift für Katalanistik: Revista d’Estudis Catalans, Nr. 33, 2020, S. 155–99, https://doi.org/10.46586/ZfK.2020.155-199.

“Usatici Barchinone. Constituciones pacium et treugarum. Constituciones Cathalonie inter dominos et vassallos tenentes pro dominis castra” [= Tractatus de consuetudinibus Cathalonie inter dominos et vasallos]. [Et alias constitutiones regum Aragonum] // Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, ACA,COLECCIONES,Manuscritos,Ripoll,38. Fol. 1r. http://pares.mcu.es/ParesBusquedas20/catalogo/show/2345593.

Averroism in Iberia: Yitzhak Baer, Álvaro Pelayo and Questions about Jewishness

Thomas Hendrik Kaal, Queen Mary University of London

Zusammenfassung: Die erzwungene Konversionsbewegung von iberischen Juden im Jahr 1391 wirft nach wie vor viele Fragen auf. Warum konnten so viele Sephardim dazu gebracht werden, ihrem ererbten Glauben zu entsagen und Christen zu werden? Für Yitzhak Baer lag der Schlüssel zu dieser Frage in der Verbreitung des sogenannten Averroismus. Seine Ansicht nach hatte rationalistische Philosophie die religiösen Überzeugungen derart unterminiert, dass insbesondere die gebildeten Juden nicht mehr bereit waren, Vertreibung oder den Märtyrertod zu erdulden. Baers Hypothese ist bereits aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven kritisiert wurden. Dieser Artikel eröffnet eine neue Sichtweise auf die Thematik, in dem er den Blick auf Averroismus in christlichen Quellen richtet. Den Ausgangspunkt der Überlegungen bildet das häresiologische Kompendium Collyrium fidei des Franziskaners Álvaro Pelayo.

Abstract: The forced mass conversion of Iberian Jews in 1391 continues to raise numerous questions. Why could so many Sephardim be brought to renounce their inherited faith and become Christians? Yitzhak Baer believed that the key to answering this question lay in the spread of Averroistic philosophy among the Sephardim. In his view, rationalist philosophy had so deeply undermined the religious faith of many Iberian Jews, particularly of the more educated, that they were no longer willing to endure expulsion or martyrdom. Baer’s interpretation of Averroism has been criticized from various perspectives. This article proposes a new approach to the subject, shifting the focus to the representation of Averroism in Christian sources, with the heresiological compendium Collyrium fidei by Franciscan friar Álvaro Pelayo serving as a starting point for further reflections.

In his famous study History of the Jews in Christian Spain, the German-Israeli historian Yitzhak Baer (1888–1980) suggested that Spanish Jewry in the Late Middle Ages was deeply influenced by a philosophical current known as “Averroism”.1 This tradition, named after Ibn Rushd (1126–1198), is said to be most notably characterized by the belief that religion and philosophy are entirely separate, enabling them to arrive at different conclusions without contradicting or undermining one another.2 Baer argued that this split between the realm of knowledge and the realm of faith weakened the Jewish community in Iberia, making them more vulnerable to conversionary pressure. For if one could no longer determine beyond reasonable doubt that Judaism was true, and Christianity false, then there was significantly less incentive for a Jew to remain faithful to his or her inherited religion. When many Jews at the end of the 14th century were confronted with the choice of either converting to Christianity or dying the death of a Jewish martyr, those affected by Averroism simply could not muster the strength to remain faithful to their religion but converted to Christianity in large numbers. Baer thus argued that Averroism was the key factor behind the mass conversions of Jews in Spain in 1391.3 Based on his thesis, Averroism has become a recurring theme in the academic debate about the converts and their numerous descendants, the so-called conversos. It is used to explain the deviant religiosity, unbelief and skepticism among the New Christians, which can be found in 15th-century sources, especially in inquisition records.4

Scholars have long criticized Baer’s thesis for lacking sufficient evidence.5 A Jewish convert who explicitly invoked Averroism as a justification for the pragmatic acceptance of Christianity has yet to be identified. While Baer cited the works of Jewish anti-philosophers to support his claims, Daniel J. Lasker demonstrated decades ago that the tenets of Averroism did not prevent authors from maintaining their belief in the rational superiority of Judaism. It was entirely possible to be both “an Averroistic philosopher and a loyal Jew”.6 So, considering the inner Jewish debate, the evidence for Baer’s thesis appears rather thin. But what about Christian sources? Baer suggested that Christian guardians of orthodoxy feared a rationalist undermining of their faith through the corrosive influence of Averroism in the guise of Jewish converts. The persecution of conversos by the Spanish Inquisition, therefore, appears to be a response to the realization that many of them were but “philosophical intellectuals, Averroists, and nihilists”.7 This raises the possibility of finding indications of the spread of Jewish Averroism in contemporary Christian sources. Yet, the representation of Jewish Averroism in Christian sources from the Iberian Peninsula has not yet been studied in depth. This article is part of an ongoing research project, offering a few initial observations drawn from a heresiological compendium titled Collyrium fidei by friar Álvaro Pelayo (1280–1350).

Collyrium fidei is a peculiar text. It shows Álvaro Pelayo as a particularly unforbearing persecutor of religious deviance.8 In Book V, Álvaro condemns the heresy of a certain Thomas Scotus, an intellectual Averroist par excellence: Thomas reportedly argued that the world should be governed by philosophy rather than religious laws. He held that Judaism, Islam, and Christianity were sinister machinations of three impostors—Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed. He rejected the virgin birth, did not believe in angels, demons, the sacraments, creation ex nihilo, or any notion of an afterlife. Thomas also thought that all miracles were either false or could be fully explained by natural processes.9 To modern readers, this may sound like the description of a skeptical, ‘enlightened’ intellectual. But this was not how Álvaro understood the position of his opponent. Rather, he was visibly concerned to connect Thomas’ Averroistic position with Judaism. The friar went to great lengths to argue that Thomas was, in fact, a Judaizer.

What can Collyrium fidei tell us about the perception of Averroism in late medieval Iberia? First, we learn that zealous friars like Álvaro Pelayo were definitely concerned about the detrimental impact of Averroistic philosophy. Secondly, Collyrium fidei evidences a strong discursive connection between Averroism and Judaism. However, it seems that this connection existed more in Álvaro’s mind than in reality. For the friar, any form of unbelief and questioning of Christian truth claims was automatically akin to Judaism. Judaism functioned as a hermeneutical lens through which Christian authors could recognize and condemn unwanted tendencies in society and even in their own thinking.10 Considering that Collyrium fidei was already written decades before the mass conversion of 1391, we can see it did not take a mass influx of Averroistic conversions, as envisaged by Baer, to establish a closeness between heterodox Aristotelianism and Judaizing in Christian Iberian heresiology. The idea that Spanish Inquisitors in the late 15th century out of the blue ‘discovered’ a connection between Judaizing conversos and Averroism is clearly mistaken. This observation calls us to further investigate the discursive identification of heterodox philosophical ideas with Judaism in contemporary Christian discourses, especially with regards to the so-called converso problem—the growing concern about the New Christian population in Iberia that ultimately led to the Spanish Inquisition. In doing so, one discovers that some of the essentialist notions of Jewishness evident in medieval sources continue to shape the scholarly debate on conversos, in Yitzhak Baer’s time as well as today.


Photo: Andrea di Bonaiuto, Triumph of St. Thomas and Allegory of the Sciences, 1365–1368, fresco, Cappella Spagnuola, Santa Maria Novella, Florence, in; Wikimedia Commons, URL: [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0] (20.08.2024).

  1. Yitzhak Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1961), I, 240, 263, 290 and II, 52, 137–138, 253–259. []
  2. This distinction is usually inferred from Averroes’ Kitab Fasl al-Maqal. On his attempt to reconcile the claims of reason with the demands of faith, see Diego R. Sarrió, ‘The Philosopher as the Heir of the Prophets. Averroes’s Islamic Rationalism’, Al-Qanṭara, 36 (2015), 45–68. []
  3. Baer, A History of the Jews, 138: “Apart from material considerations, it was the Averroist outlook that in the main prompted the better educated Jews to choose the easiest way. […] Those individuals who habitually looked down upon the simple masses who scrupulously observed all the commandments, these same men, when the test came, lacked the spiritual fortitude to prefer death to apostasy. In much the same spirit as they had previously denied the authority of biblical law, they now accepted the rites and ceremonies of an alien religion; ultimately, they only remained faithful to their ‘religion of the intellect’.” []
  4. See, among others, See Francisco Márquez Villanueva, ‘El caso del averroísmo popular español (hacia la Celestina)’, in José Luis Canet Vallés and Rafael Beltrán Llavador (eds.), Cinco siglos de “Celestina”. Aportaciones interpretativas (Valencia, 1997) and Yirmiyahu Yovel, The Other Within: The Marranos: Split Identity and Emerging Modernity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009), 44–5. []
  5. See, for example, Norman Roth, Conversos, Inquisition, and the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995), 61–5. []
  6. Daniel J. Lasker, ‘Averroistic Trends in Jewish-Christian Polemics in the Late Middle Ages’, Speculum, 55 (1980), 304. []
  7. Baer, A History of the Jews, II, 224, 274. []
  8. Álvaro Pelayo, Collyrium fidei, ed. and trans. by Miguel Pinto de Meneses, Lisbon 1954–1956. []
  9. For a summary of the accusations against Thomas see Michele de Araújo, Tradição e poder no colírio da fé: um estudo sobre heresiologia política medieval (Brasilia: University of Brasilia, 2015), 69–70. []
  10. David Nirenberg, ‘Enmity and Assimilation’, Common Knowledge, 9 (2003), 151. []

Muslims and Lords in Medieval Iberia

Clara Almagro Vidal, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia (UNED)

Abstract: The research project “Muslims in Signorial lands: an Integrative Perspective in Medieval Iberia” (for further information visit: https://www.socriem.es/mutis/) not only aims to detect the administrative and territorial framing of Muslim communities in Christian Iberia, but also seeks to analyse the relations between Muslims and their lords in both a legal and organisational framework. With this contribution project member Clara Almagro Vidal offers a close-up look of the project and shares some preliminary results.

Although they were theoretically part of the treasure of the Christian kings in medieval Iberia, Muslims often lived in lands that were not under Royal jurisdiction throughout the Middle Ages. The presence of Muslim communities in signorial lands within the Christian kingdoms of medieval Iberia is of great interest for the study of this religious minority because it reflects an overlapping of jurisdictional spheres of a different nature depending on the type of lordship and the conditions under which the lands were given the lords. These lordships, whether nobiliary, ecclesiastical, municipal or of any other type, formed an element of distortion for the exercise of royal authority, fragmenting its capacity to act and generating, through the exercise of its unequal prerogatives, a wide range of circumstances that determined the life of Muslims in these areas.

Moreover, although not exclusively, Muslims were often settled in rural communities or located in small population centres that did not become fully urban. Areas with these characteristics have traditionally received less interest in historiography.

The research project Muslims in Signorial lands: an Integrative Perspective in Medieval Iberia, funded by the Regional Government of Madrid through its programme for talent attraction (2020-T1/HUM-20291), was born from the awareness of the relevance of this phenomenon and the gap in existing scholarship.

The researchers involved in the project are focusing on a number of points of interest: Detecting forms of administrative and territorial framing of communities on manorial lands; Analysing relations between Muslims and their lords and the effects of the overlapping of different jurisdictional spheres, both at the individual and collective level; and explore the impact that the two previous points had in the internal organisation of these communities, including the characteristics and attributions of the officials and governing bodies of the Muslim community, the functioning of obligations towards the Christians and towards themselves, and relations with the Christian authorities.

Although the project is still underway, some provisional findings are coming to light. For one, the strategies used by lords show significant similarities across the Crowns of Castile and Aragon. For another, Muslims were perceived as valuable dependents, whose permanence was often sought and even a point of contention between lords. Moreover, the unstable balance and struggles for power between the various Christian authorities had an obvious impact on Muslims. At times, Muslims were key elements in the entrenchment and legitimisation of signiorial power, and at others they were reduced to pawns affected by the ambitions of the various Christian actors. Observation of the multiple manifestations of lordship allows us to identify the different factors at play at each moment and their relative weight.

Selected Bibliography

Almagro Vidal, Clara. “Grammars of Dependence. A Historical Semantics Approach to Population Charters Granted by Military Orders to Muslims in Medieval Iberia”, Österreiche Zeitschrift für Geschichte, 34-2 (2023), pp. 105-124. https://doi.org/10.25365/oezg-2023-34-2-6

Almagro Vidal, Clara (ed.), Musulmanes y señores en la Edad Media Peninsular, Monographic issue in Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Edad Media, 37 (2024), pp. 15-204. https://doi.org/10.5944/etfiii.37.2024

Moreno Moreno, Yolanda, “El negocio de mantener una aljama musulmana en tierras de señorío. El caso de Talavera de la Reina”, Musulmanes y señores en la Edad Media Peninsular, Número monográfico en Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Edad Media, 37 (2024), pp.145-166. https://doi.org/10.5944/etfiii.37.2024.38802

García de Gea, Jorge Ángel, “Musulmanes al servicio de la nobleza: fuentes testamentarias bajomedievales”, Musulmanes y señores en la Edad Media Peninsular, Número monográfico en Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Edad Media, 37 (2024), pp.63-90. https://doi.org/10.5944/etfiii.37.2024.39113


Photo: Ceiling of the chapel in Mesones de Isuela castle (Zaragoza), Clara Almagro Vidal (15.07.2024).

Courts and Craftspeople in the Late Medieval Crown of Aragón

Eva-Maria Cersovsky, Universität zu Köln

Abstract: The research project outlined in this contribution aims at offering new insights into an important but underexplored group of actors at late medieval royal courts by putting craftspeople at the centre of analysis. It takes the courts of the kings and queens of the Crown of Aragón as its focus to investigate the multifaceted relationships they formed with artisans from the end of the thirteenth to the beginning of the fifteenth century. The project pursues three main objectives: First, it explores and compares the forms of affiliation, the status, tasks, functions, material resources, and working conditions of the many different artisans serving the royal households. Second, it examines the role of courts as spaces of artisanal training, production and knowledge, cooperation and competition. Third, it illuminates the activities of craftspeople in-between courtly and civic environments. The project’s findings thus promise to foster a better understanding of artisans’ economic and social interactions with royal households, while also offering new perspectives for studying court economy and court culture.

Late medieval courts attracted a wide variety of different craftspeople.1 Numerous experts specialising in the food, wood, metal, or textile crafts were commissioned by princely and royal households to create products of various kinds. It is well known that medieval rulers both acquired large quantities of artisanal luxury objects and needed countless craft products for everyday use. Noble patrons, courtly material culture, and patterns of consumption have been at the focus of historical scholarship for quite some time. However, to date, only a few historians have attempted to put artisans, the makers of courtly objects, at the centre of monographic studies in order to systematically determine the multifaceted work-related and social relationships they formed with late medieval courts.

My book project (Habilitation), still in its early stages and tentatively outlined in the following, aims at filling this gap by taking the late medieval courts of the kings and queens of the Crown of Aragón as its focus. The Aragonese courts hold particular potential for the study of craftspeople since they did not only constitute important political and social centres formed around a ruler but were also dynamic economic and cultural hubs within the Mediterranean, attracting various people from different social and religious groups, regions, and cultures. They employed, to just name a few examples, Catalan bakers, French tailors, or German goldsmiths, Jewish candle makers, Muslim construction workers, or Christian carpenters in a variety of different institutional affiliations and socio-economic interdependencies. Some artisans also performed services for queens and kings that went beyond their specific craft, such as buying goods for the royal household, joining diplomatic missions, or functioning as administrators involved in the foundation of monasteries or the overseeing of royal mills. These ways in which different craftspeople were connected to the kings’ and queens’ courts economically and socially have yet to be studied in a comprehensive and comparative approach, as has the question of how royal courts functioned as sites of artisanal production, collaboration, and knowledge – with both patrons and craftspeople as active participants.

Since the courts of the Crown of Aragón are documented exceptionally well, especially from the thirteenth century onwards, it is possible to trace such questions in a wide variety of sources, mainly housed in the Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó in Barcelona. The project will, for example, draw on court ceremonials characterising court personnel and their duties as well as on various household accounts that document payments to artisans holding court offices and to many other craftspeople for commissions of differing nature, often including detailed descriptions of the final products and their materials. It will also utilize a small number of account books written by the artisans themselves which have survived in the royal archives, and make use of the numerous royal chancellery registers documenting contracts, letters, privileges granted to artisans, or recommendations of specific craftspeople to other institutions. Additionally, I will employ inventories which list objects in varying detail and frequently mention who created them, where they were made, and/or – in the case of objects in relation to specific court offices – who used and took care of them.

Seeing the quantity and variety of available sources, the project’s main focus is on a ‘long fourteenth century’, from the reign of James II (1291–1327) to the reign of Martin I (1396–1410). This period also holds an important place within scholarly discussions on how artisans’ relationships to courts developed over time, both in the Crown of Aragón and other regions. These debates concern, for instance, the perception and status of craftspeople as ‘artisans’ or ‘artists’, the inclusion of artisans into the circle of royal familiares, or the emergence of new legal and institutional forms of ‘court craft’ (‘Hofhandwerk’) or ‘court art (‘Hofkunst’) and their position between court and city.

Contributing to these discussions and expanding the state of research, the project adopts a multifaceted, comparative approach. It employs the terms ‘craftspeople’ and ‘artisans’ in a broad sense to grasp and include not only renowned individuals but all people who used their hands and tools to produce, repair, or redesign products, including food as well as objects made from different materials. It also starts from the written documentation and not from objects or architecture still present today. This way, the project seeks to make a systematic effort at both establishing and comparing the variety of craftspeople connected to Aragonese courts, thereby bridging the common division between groups of different objects, materials, and/or artisans. Furthermore, it focuses on both the kings’ and the queens’ households over a longer period of time to delineate similarities and differences in the artisanal personnel serving them. As first case studies suggest, this approach promises to yield fruitful results regarding the activities, status, and career options of craftspeople working across different courts. Following this general methodological framework, the project has three main objectives that build on one another:

First, it seeks to investigate which artisans were integrated into the courts’ economic and social networks and in what ways, including how these connections were formed in the first place. Answering these questions involves inquiries into the social backgrounds, status, tasks, functions, working conditions, material resources, and careers of different craftspeople serving royal courts. Without pursuing the goal of a detailed prosopography or comprehensive network analysis, the available, relevant personal data concerning the artisans will be collected in a database, which will then form the basis for more detailed case studies on a selected number of individual craftspeople and groups of artisans. Moreover, approaching the different types of connections between craftspeople and courts necessitates semantic analyses, for example, regarding the (variable and shifting) meanings connected to titles of court offices, such as panicer, or denominations like de la casa de la senyora reyna/ del senyor rey.

Second, the project aims at analysing how royal courts functioned as spaces of artisanal production and knowledge, cooperation and competition. This includes questions on forms of training and the transmission of knowledge, on artisanal migration and interreligious collaborations and/or conflicts. Understanding artisans working for the Aragonese courts as experts possessing specialized knowledge and skills to understand, (re-)design, and invent things, I will build on the insights of both art historical research and studies on material culture to examine repositories of knowledge connected to objects, practices, and their textual representations, such as descriptions in account books and inventories. By examining experts from different regions and religious groups gathered at Aragonese courts, the project will also draw on concepts of ‘cultural brokerage’ and discuss whether artisans can be conceived as ‘brokers’ even if their primary aim might not have been cultural mediation as such.

Third, the research project seeks to illuminate the interplay between courtly and urban craft production and the positions of artisans in-between courts and cities – spaces with permeable boundaries. Exploring these aspects brings into focus, for example, the use of urban infrastructure, the role of artisanal court personnel as intermediaries hiring additional workers, or the existence of royal privileges obtained by individuals or craft groups regulating their status in relation to civic norms and institutions. Choosing one or two cities with royal residences as case studies, such as Barcelona, València, or Zaragoza, this part of the project also tentatively aims at including civic sources. Municipal ordinances, the documentation of confraternities and guilds, inventories, and other notarial documents help trace the activities of artisans in urban contexts and may also be used to conduct further prosopographical research on the identities of selected craftspeople. These sources, however, will mostly be consulted after the examination of the royal documentation.

Based on rich source material and building on insights as well as approaches of interdisciplinary scholarship, the project thus seeks to foster a better understanding of craftspeople as an important but underexplored group of actors connected to late medieval courts within the Crown of Aragón. Its findings promise to shed new light on artisans’ economic and social agency in the context of royal households and to offer new perspectives on both court economy and court culture.

Selected Bibliography

Antenhofer, Christina: Inventories as Texts and Artefacts. Methodological Approaches and Challenges. In: Österreichische Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaften 32,3 (2021), pp. 7–46.

Aymerich Bassols, Montserrat: Jaume Copí, un brodador flamenc al servei de la familia reial: de Pere el Cerimoniós a Violant de Bar i Maria de Luna. In: Terés Tomàs, Maria Rosa (ed.): Catalunya i l’Europa septentrional a l’entorn de 1400. Circulació de mestres, obres i models artístics. Rome 2016 (IRCVM Medieval Cultures 5), pp. 15–52.

Beauchamp, Alexandra (ed.): Les entourages princiers à la fin du Moyen âge: une approche quantitative. Textes issus de la journée d’études organisée à l’Université de Limoges avec la Casa de Velázquez, 6 novembre 2009. Madrid 2013 (Collection de la Casa de Velázquez 134).

Campbell, Stephen John (ed.): Artists at Court: Image-Making and Identity 1300–1550. Chicago 2004.

Córdoba de la Llave, Ricardo: Los oficios medievales. Tecnología, producción, trabajo. Madrid 2017 (Temas de historia medieval 7).

Cosmen Alonso, María Concepción/ Herráez Ortega, María Victoria/ Pellón Gómez de Rueda, Adela María (eds.): El intercambio artístico entre los reinos hispanos y las cortes europeas en la baja Edad Media. León 2009.

Domenge Mesquida, Joan: Argenters i marxants de “coses de grans preus” a la cort d’Aragô (ca. 1380–1420). In: Brouquet, Sophie/ García Marsilla, Juan Vicente (ed.): Mercados del lujo, mercados del arte. El gusto de las elites mediterráneas en los siglos XIV y XV. València 2015, pp. 349–356.

Eichberger, Dagmar/ Lorentz, Philippe/ Tacke, Andreas (eds.): The Artist between Court and City (1300–1600) / L’artiste entre la Cour et la Ville / Der Künstler zwischen Hof und Stadt. Petersberg 2017.

Español Bertran, Francesca:   L’art dels reis catalans: esplendor i riquesa de la Corona d’Aragó. Barcelona 2010 (Arts 2).

Füssel, Marian/ Rexroth, Frank/ Schürmann, Inga (eds.): Praktiken und Räume des Wissens: Expertenkulturen in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Göttingen 2019.

García Marsilla, Juan Vicente: Maestros de ultramar: artistas italianos y franceses al servicio de la monarquía aragonesa (siglos XIV–XV). In: Narbona Vizcaíno, Rafael (ed.): La Mediterrània de la Corona d’Aragó, segles XIII–XVI & VII Centenari de la Sentència Arbitral de Torrellas, 1304–2004. XVIII Congrés d’Història de la Corona d’Aragó, València 2004, 9–14 setembre. Vol. 2. València 2005, pp. 1907–1922.

Jaspert, Nikolas: Mendicants, Jews and Muslims at Court in the Crown of Aragon: Social Practice and Inter-Religious Communication. In: von der Höh, Marc/ Jaspert, Nikolas/ Oesterle, Jenny Rahel (eds.): Cultural Brokers at Mediterranean Courts in the Middle Ages. Paderborn 2013 (Mittelmeerstudien 1), pp. 107–148.

Molina Castellà, Anna: L’argenter de la Casa del Senyor Rei: una distinció laboral de prestigi. In: Yarza Luaces, José Joaquín (ed.): L’Artista-artesà medieval a la Corona d’Aragó. Lleida 1999, pp. 365–383.

Molina Figueras, Joan: Gli artisti del re nel Trecento aragonese. In: Donato, Maria Monica (ed.): L’artista medievale. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Modena, 17–19 Novembre 1999. Pisa 2008 (Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Quaderni 4, 16.2003), pp. 193–213.

Mutgé i Vives, Josefina: Artesanos barceloneses al servicio de Alfonso el Benigno (1327–1336). In: Aragón en la edad media 19 (2006), pp. 407–416.

Povill Salas, Marina: El arte como herramienta de poder durante el reinado de Jaime II el justo (1291–1327). Las cuatro etapas de su política artística. In: Bargalló Escrivà, Maria (ed.): Recerca en humanitas 2021. Tarragona 2022, pp. 153–170.

Schadek, Hans: Die Familiaren der aragonesischen Könige des 14. und beginnenden 15. Jahrhunderts. In: Spanische Forschungen der Goerresgesellschaft – Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens 32 (1988), pp. 1–148.

Smith, Pamela H.: From Lived Experience to the Written Word: Reconstructing Practical Knowledge in the Early Modern World. Chicago 2022.

Schulz, Knut: Fremde (Kunst-)Handwerker, Gewerbegruppen und Bedienstete an der päpstlichen Kurie (ca. 1400–1527). In: Jamme, Armand/ Poncet, Olivier (eds.): Offices et papauté (XIVe–XVIIe siècle): Charges, hommes, destins. Rome 2005 (Collection de l’École Française de Rome 334), pp. 197-213.

Terés Tomàs, Maria Rosa/ Vicens, Teresa: Violant de Bar i Maria de Castella: promoció espiritual i mecenatge/ Violant de Bar and Maria of Castile: Spiritual Promotion and Artistic Patronage. Barcelona 2015 (Lliçons 6).

Warnke, Martin: The Court Artist: On the Ancestry of the Modern Artist. New York et al. 1993 (Ideas in Context 28).

Photo: December Calendar Page, Baking Bread, in: Psalter by an unknown artist/ maker, mid-1200s, Bruges (possibly), Belgium, in: The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, Ms. 14 (85.MK.239), fol. 8v (Detail). Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program, URL: [https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/105TRQ] (03.07.2024).

  1. References to some publications relevant to the project can be found in a selected bibliography at the end of the contribution. []